139. Speaker Kevin McCarthy: In Defence of Donald J. Trump

15 Jun 2025 · 1 h 11 min

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Podcast Notes: The Rest Is Politics - Episode 139: Speaker Kevin McCarthy: In Defence of Donald J. Trump

Episode Overview In this episode of *The Rest Is Politics*, hosts Alastair Campbell and Rory Stewart interview former Speaker of the House Kevin McCarthy. The discussion encompasses McCarthy's upbringing, political career, and perspectives on key political issues, including Donald Trump's political strategies, transatlantic relations, and the current state of American politics.

Key Themes and Discussions

  1. Kevin McCarthy's Background
  2. Upbringing: McCarthy grew up in a working-class family with strong Democratic roots. He identifies as a Republican, diverging from his family's political beliefs.
  3. Childhood Challenges: Overcame a speech impairment, which he attributes to perseverance and continuous practice.
  4. Early Career: Initially pursued business, eventually leading him to politics after an internship with Congressman Bill Thomas.
  1. Political Career and Philosophy
  2. Entry into Politics: Inspired by American political figures and events, McCarthy founded his political identity during the Reagan era, which emphasized optimism and free-market principles.
  3. Gingrich's Influence: Discusses how Newt Gingrich revitalized Republican confidence in governance and changed the nature of political campaigning by shifting focus to national contests.
  4. Personal Political Philosophy: Advocates for perseverance and grit in politics, emphasizing the importance of maintaining relationships and negotiating across party lines.
  1. Trump's Political Strategy
  2. Defending Trump: McCarthy outlines Trump's "chaotic" strategy as a legitimate form of political engagement that resonates with many Americans who feel unheard by traditional politics.
  3. Perception of Trump: Sees Trump as a negotiator, emphasizing Trump's intuitive nature rather than viewing him strictly through the lens of traditional political behavior.
  1. Transatlantic Relations
  2. US and Europe Dynamics: Discusses the evolving relationship between the US and Europe, particularly in light of Trump's presidency and its impact on NATO and global alliances.
  3. Concerns Over Weakening Alliances: Acknowledges the potential for transatlantic relations to fray under Trump’s leadership but believes in the resilience of historic bonds between the US and Europe.
  1. Contemporary Political Climate
  2. Money in Politics: Examines the influence of campaign financing, super PACs, and online fundraising in shaping political dynamics in the US. Highlights concerns over unequal financial power in elections.
  3. Polarization of Politics: Reflects on how political campaigns have become more extreme, with candidates catering more to primary voter bases than to general constituents due to safe districts created by gerrymandering.
  1. Personal Reflections on Politics and Leadership
  2. Ousting as Speaker: Shares insights on the emotional turmoil and public scrutiny during his removal as Speaker. Stresses the importance of integrity in political actions.
  3. The Cost of Politics: Discusses the personal toll of political life on family and the challenges of maintaining a public persona while enduring criticism.

Key Takeaways

  • Resilience and Grit: McCarthy emphasizes the need for resilience in politics and suggests that perseverance is a key determinant of success.
  • Complexity of Trump: Suggests that Trump's approach, while unconventional, taps into a larger discontent among voters seeking change from traditional political norms.
  • Importance of Alliances: Despite tension, McCarthy maintains optimism about the durability of US-Europe relations and the shared sacrifices that underpin them.
  • Call for Bipartisanship: Advocates for a return to more constructive political dialogue, encouraging lawmakers to seek compromise rather than further division.

Conclusion In a landscape marked by intense partisanship and shifting political allegiances, Kevin McCarthy's insights provide a window into the complexities of modern American politics, the enduring influence of figures like Donald Trump, and the urgent need for dialogue across party lines. The episode concludes on a note of cautious optimism regarding the future of both American politics and transatlantic relations.

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Transcript

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1:54So listen, thank you for being here. And we like to kick off with our guests just to get a little bit of their upbringing. And your parents were Democrats. So what went wrong with you? I opened my eyes. But my parents, I came from a working class family. My father was Irish and my mother's Italian. So we had the best fights in the neighborhood. My father was a firefighter. And then he always had a second job. He moved furniture. And I was the youngest in the family. and the time I grew up really was what happened in America that drove me more politically. I watched Jimmy Carter. I think I was in sixth grade.

2:37He had this Malay speech where he had this fireside chat and told us to turn the heater down and put a sweater on and the best days were behind us. And this other guy walks up to the podium and says, no pastels, fly the bold colors and go to that shiny city on the hill. And it was an easy contrast. My family are all Democrats, but I was always a Republican. I was the youngest. And your siblings are Democrats as well? They were, yeah. Still are or not? My sister is not my brother. No, I switched them all. If I was good, I moved most of them all to be conservative. Kevin, tell us a little bit about your dad.

3:11Presumably, that's a very physical job, moving furniture. Is that something he could keep doing as he got older or did it become more difficult uh it's a physical job but he did it for the money like everything else we didn't make a lot and so he moved up in the fire department became the deputy chief but he retired at 55 but he got cancer the next year and he only lived another three years it was unfortunate battled it all and the other thing i read about your childhood is you had a some sort of speech impairment oh yeah it's interesting quite a lot of politicians have that and i just wonder whether the speaking that's involved in politics is i couldn't pronounce so many letters so in kindergarten they would test you all right then during the day at a certain time a buzzer would ring and those that had speech impediment would go to this special speech class and when you're in kindergarten there's like six or seven of us ago you know but the next year there's a few of us but when it got to like the fourth or fifth grade i was the only one going i was still in it for quite some time.

4:11And what was the issue? I don't know. I couldn't move my tongue. Couldn't say my S's, my T's. I didn't stutter. How did you get over that? I just kept talking. Right. I don't know if I've ever truly gotten over it if you listen to some of my speeches. Yeah, I've seen the odd glitch. I just wonder whether that was a sort of brain malfunction or something. I think I skip every third word or whatever. Okay. Interesting. Doesn't Joe Biden have a – he said something similar. Don't equate me with Joe, but yeah. Okay. The difference, like getting into the political world is not something I thought to do.

4:48I always thought to go into business. I always pictured myself as being a more entrepreneur, right? And so, but when I got out of high school, I was the youngest. My folks didn't have great wealth. And so I couldn't get academic scholarship, but I thought I deserved an athletic scholarship, but I was the only one. And so I went to community college and this one liquor store that sells beer under eight. age the guy had a car dealer's license and i live in this town called bakersfield which is like an hour and a half from la and so i told him one day i said i'll give you a hundred dollars if you take me to the la car auctions it's where all the dealers bring their trade-ins and so i started buying and selling cars and i was flipping them to pay my way through college it was illegal but i didn't know it why i was doing it and then on the weekends i would go visit my friends who were away at college my best friend was up at stanford my other buddy sc and my other friends at san San Diego State.

5:39So this one weekend I was going to go to San Diego State for the weekend. And so I picked my buddy up and we go to the grocery store so I could cash a check to get some money. And the day before the lottery started in California. So I buy a lottery ticket as I'm cashed a check and I won the lottery. I was one of the first winners. But when it first started, this is 1985, the most you could win was$5 ,000. But if you put yourself in my place, 20 years old, it's Friday night. I just won$5 ,000. And this was before the Biden inflation. So it really was a lot of money. Low blow. And think about it.

6:13And I spend the weekend 10 minutes from Tijuana, right? New time to rebut. From Tijuana. Tijuana. So I come back. I take my folks to the nicest restaurant in town. I still remember what they ordered. My brother orders dessert to make the price higher. And I give my brother and sister each 100 bucks. And I take the majority of the rest of the money. I put it in one stock. I like to take risk, right? I got lucky. I made 30 % of my money in six weeks. The end of the semester comes. and I go and I try to buy a franchise. I try to buy a Subway, but no one would sell me one. They said I was too young.

6:42I was only 20. Another thing I like is I don't give up, right? So I go and open my own deli. And there's three lessons I learned. First to work, last to leave, last to be paid. But the food critic comes in and compares me to do big restaurant and my business takes off. Why do you call it Kevin O? Because my middle name's Owen. Okay. I didn't put a large thing. I'm Irish. You worry that people might think McCarthy was Scottish. He called himself O, Kevin O, anyway. Tell us a little bit about the Irish and Italian communities in California when you were growing up. And we have a sort of idea from the movies, and obviously we have strong ideas from Chicago and New York.

7:19Was it different in California? Yeah, but the city in Bakersfield really didn't have an Irish community and an Italian community. It's just the heritage is what you had, and you'd celebrate it on the different parts, maybe within the church. You were Catholic. Yes. It has a strong Irish and Italian segment within there. So from that standpoint, both big families, my other cousins, always big families, both believed in all getting together. And the cliches, I guess, that we hear are kind of firemen, police officers, priests. Did you have all those in your family? Yeah. My uncle was the fire chief for the county and my dad was for the city.

7:58So we argued, if it caught on fire, who would be the best to put the fire out? I was a fireman for three seasons, and I took the test, did pretty well, but I couldn't become one because they had a nepotism clause. My mother always thought I was a failure because I never became a fireman. I'm sure that's why Eric and Don Trump Jr., having nothing to do with the mingling of business and government in the United States now. You've had a long political career, which actually started out essentially as a staffer working for a congressman? Well, the story goes, okay, so I do pretty well in the business.

8:32I could finally afford to go to college. So I sell my business. I wanted to finish. And I'm going to Cal State. And I open up the paper that says, be a summer intern in Washington, D.C. with my local congressman. And I did not know this man, but I thought he'd be lucky to have this. This is Bill Thomas. Yeah. So I applied and he turned me down. But at the end of the story, I got elected to that seat and became the 55th Speaker of the House. But he did take you on. He took me down. Yeah. This is the thing I always tell people. if you just take no for an answer, you're going to fail in life and don't give up, right?

9:00Angela Duckworth has a great book. She's a professor at Penn. The number one attribute of whether someone will be successful is perseverance, right? Adversity, how do you overcome it? It's called grit. And so I took the turndown letter because it was nice, you know, had something in there. So I went back to him and I said, look, I don't need to go DC and you don't need to pay me. I've got money now. I just want to volunteer. So he said, okay, you volunteer for a month. And at the end of the month, they said, okay, we'd like to keep you, but we really don't have a lot of money. We can only pay you a hundred bucks.

9:27I said, fine. Because they had computers, I could do my homework. And that's what got me started in politics. Tell us about this whole thing. So you were born in the mid-60s? 65, yeah. 65. So you're actually in British terms, British listeners, you're about the same age as people like David Cameron, that kind of generation. Ed Miliband, who we just interviewed, or David, his brother. And I guess what we tend to think about this generation, your generation of politicians is that you really came into your own at this extraordinary moment, 89 to 2004, where the liberal global order was dominating.

9:58And it was all about democracy growing. It was all about free trade and globalization. It was all about international intervention. And it's Francis Fukuyama, your Californian constituent, the end of history, right? Did you believe in that? How did that feel? That whole era of you, was that important in your political formation? Yeah, but the foundation prior to that, you know, you came into it in 2000, was really the time of watching Reagan, Thatcher, and Pope John Paul, right? And I mean, when I was in high school, the original Red Dawn, and you had the after school program and about whether the Soviet Union invades, where you have this war.

10:43And the concept of the optimism of Reagan instilled something in me that was fundamentally different and gave you foundation. And Reagan was a true believer in the free market, right? And in competition. But I thought Reagan taught from a conservative point of view, and this is what conservative, Reagan was always a happy conservative. And what he truly fundamentally, I believed he would say is, if you believe, and it doesn't matter whether you're conservative if you believe your principles bring people more freedom you should be happy not angry and too often in politics we think we have to be angry or yell louder to prove we're more fundamental in whatever our philosophy or principle is then knowing american history i would look to a lincoln or look to a teddy roosevelt from the foundations of where i would study and go then 1989 happens Berlin Wall comes down, Soviet Union collapses.

11:40The US then emerges as this dominant power. And we have a period of about 15 years where it seems as though the West, Europe actually is going gangbusters, European Union's expanding, US is doing well, politics of his friend Tony Blair, Bill Clinton comes along in this period. It really feels like a kind of politics, at least in Europe, of sort of confidence third way. Everybody's trying to be like Denmark. But that isn't quite what's happening in American politics at that time, or not how it will have felt to you? I mean, if you look back in history and you think of that era, you had a combination.

12:14You had Clinton emerge, right? Because the Democrats are lost. It was a new type of Democrat. Then you had Newt Gingrich and you had the revolution of Republicans. And that's a little more of a modern day Republican. They hadn't believed they could ever win Congress, right? It's been 40 years in the contract with America. And all of a sudden, we got to where we balanced our budget, right? I mean, you think from, there were discussions in the late 90s and beginning of 2000 that we were paying our debt down too fast, that the Fed was worried about that and then where we are today. And then the fundamental shift after Bush comes in in 9-11.

12:539-11 had a really turning within America of changing it in many ways. But I also think things don't just happen in America across. I mean, when you had the Brexit vote, we kind of had the rise of Trump. I remember having a discussion with Tony Blair at Davos, and it was during the primary. And I remember talking to him. He was doing something B of A with dinner, and I said, Trump's going to win. There was all these metrics that I measured from 1979 to then from participation rate, right? how people felt. And they wanted something different to go saying. And I said, he's tapping into something.

13:35Then I remember seeing Tony Blair, like at Melkin later. And he's the one that kind of weaved in, well, we just had Brexit. This isn't tied to just one country. This is something happening throughout the world. Before we get on Trump, just once more, Newt Gingrich, explain to internationalists, non-US listeners, and maybe younger Americans, what did that mean? How did he change Congress? How did he change campaigning? How did it change what it meant to be a Republican representative? There was a moment in time, like Newt Gingrich was in Congress and he was a congressman and he didn't have it easy.

14:08And he's a dear friend now. Like Lincoln, it took him many runs. He ran three times and lost. And he was a professor of history. And when he got into Congress, he was kind of this backbencher and maybe a flamethrower. He would throw out. And no one believed Republicans could ever win. And Republicans believed they couldn't win. What was funny is the leader then, this guy named Bob Michaels, the Democrats loved him. They literally give him the office we have for speaker now, Bob Michaels had, right? Because they just placated him because he would never challenge you. And he accepted mediocrity.

14:41And what Gingrich did was made the party believe they could govern, right? And the first thing you had to believe in yourself. What he did with the campaign, instead of being individual races, he made it a national race, right? So he challenged the status quo. And complacency had set in where we had a speaker write that goes and does a book deal. And so he took the point and expanded it. And then the bank won. He made the campaign national, and we won in 94. And everybody thought we would lose again. But he showed that we can govern. And he really did it kind of check. But he changed Washington, where people don't just move there.

15:22So it changed Washington, people didn't move there. And it also became more polarized. It went from a much more cross-party consensual, or that's the sense of it, to a world in which instead of spending a lot of time in Washington, people spent time in their constituency, and the tone of politics seemed to become more divisive. Yes and no. I mean, people would rate that. I think they overscore that to the changing of media and how we campaign compounded upon that. What it really was was challenging the status quo. because if you really looked internally and you looked at Congress, you took it out.

15:57They had an elevator operator for you. They had somebody come and bring an ice bag in front. It was poorly managed and we accepted that. And what he finally did from internally was said, you don't have to accept that we could do better, right? And we could hold people accountable. And the interesting thing when Republicans won, they went into rooms they'd never been in before. So it was opening, but it was more in your face because when we ran in your face to win, we thought the Democrats to win back that same way. So it became the rise of a Pelosi on the Democratic side. One of the impressions that we have in Britain in particular, I think, and across Europe as of American politics, is the role of money.

16:37Money in campaigns, the fundraising. We talked to Rosa DeLauro. She said she spent at least a third of her time. I don't think it's Rosa, but I've spoken to a congressperson who said that they were spending 60 or 50, 60 hours a week sometimes calling donors, bringing in money? Okay. I was a leader of the party. I raised money more than anybody else. I would have loved my members to spend three hours a week because I felt it was pretty much on my shoulders to raise the money. But it's crazy. We just look back at the presidential election we just had, billion dollar campaigns. I mean, that is mind blowing.

17:14It is. And should we put it into perspective? I mean, the money has really gotten high, but campaign laws have changed. And the campaign laws in America really shifted after Watergate. Because before you didn't disclose and people gave cash and everything else. The money in politics of the federal government is really much different than anywhere else. You can't take any corporate money and you're limited to how much you can get from one individual person if you run for Congress. But what are these super PACs getting around it? Well, there was a Supreme Court case because of the First Amendment.

17:46Somebody could give unlimited. You can't deny a person First Amendment. So, that was the growth and that was later. But still to this day, a person who runs for the state house in California can get corporate money and the limits for them are much greater, right? So, in the house, I might get it wrong since I'd left it. I think it was 3 ,300 and it goes up by inflation. Maybe it's 3 ,400 for primary general. How can Elon Musk pay tens of millions and then more tens of millions to Trump's campaign? He can't give it to Trump's campaign. So who is he giving it to? Super PACs. His own super PAC. And he can do anything he wants and somebody can do the difference.

18:21But this is the difference though too. Money in politics is not equal in campaigns, okay? Because the law allows, if you're running for Congress, you get TV time at the lowest rate they have ever offered. If you're a super PAC or a party, you have to pay the going rate. So there's an equalizing effect there, right? So if I put in$5 ,000 to television, a super PAC probably has to put in five times to equal the amount. So there is an equalizing effect to some point and they're all equal what they can raise there. So the power really rests of what you're able to do. And now when you have online fundraising, that's kind of changed politics.

19:05And it's made people more extreme because the more extreme you get, the more attention you get, the more money you'll raise online. So talk a little bit. We've got your conventional fundraising, more prosperous people giving $3 ,000. You've got the online fundraising, which could be trying to get millions of people to give you$10. And then you've got the super PACs, which can be billionaires writing these enormous checks. How are these three things changing and altering the way politics works? And if you were going to reform America, you're just sort of stepping back for a second. Are the bits of that that might have troubled the founding fathers and that might be a risk to democracy?

19:46It's a combination of what has happened, right? So Watergate happens. So they say, we've got to clean it up. So then they come in and you have to report. We can't take corporate money. The unions can't give, but the unions are a super PAC upon themselves and they give only to one side, maybe a little bit to the other side, right? And they get treated differently. Then you had the rise of social media, and then you had a Supreme Court decision. And then we had McCain-Feingold that changed how parties were able to raise money before the parties could get corporate money and unlimited. So then the parties had, and you looked at politics today, why can't you control your members?

20:26Well, the party can't do that anymore. They're limited to what they can raise now too. Explain that a little bit more about whipping and controlling members and how that created loyalty and discipline. Well, this is back in McCain-Feingold in the 2000s. If you ran for office and races didn't cost as much, the party kind of controlled what they funded, right? The NRCC, National Public Congressional Committee. And they still raise a lot, but there's not the biggest players because of the super PAC now. And at that time, you could control members because you could fund the races or not. People would stay more in line.

21:01Then that broke free. And now when you can raise your money yourself online too, you could be an extremist. And so you don't care about leadership doesn't matter. And then in the move of networks today, you don't get news, you get opinion. And so in the Republican party, you don't just have one party anymore. and kind of if you run against, you become a little folk hero at the same time too. So there's all these, I'm a big believer in structure dictates behavior. And your first question was, if I was king for a day, what would I do? I would like more competitive districts. Back when Newt ran, there was a lot of competitive districts.

21:39In 2010, when Republicans took the majority, we beat 63 different. There's not even 63 competitive seats in America today. There's probably around 36. So now they're very safe and all you have to do is win your primary Republican or Democrat. So then you're only looking the other way. And is that because of gerrymandering going on or not? Pretty much. Yeah. Sounds good to get cleaned up as well. But that's directed by states, right? But I always think I want the idea to win at the end of the day. Either I win or lose, let the idea win. Okay. So because of law, you can't limit the ability to take money from outside your district.

22:15But what I would say is to control the cost and everywhere else, you had to get a dollar in your district before you get a dollar outside your district. So then the structure dictates behavior. What is the member going to do? They're going to spend more time in the district because if I got$1 from you, that's important because it lets me get a dollar, but I got your vote too, right? So I'm going to focus more on the policies than on something else, right? Just to explain to listeners, what you're saying is that at the moment, if you create enough buzz and outrage, you can raise money from right across the United States, well outside your district, and you do it by becoming a big media personality who people want to send a dollar to.

22:54You might be running in Oregon. They're selling the money from Massachusetts. If you go out and be some extremist, they're going to put you on TV, whether they like you or not, but you're going to create a name for yourself. And then you're going to send an email out and say, the world's collapsing. Send me two bucks so I can fight the extreme. Quick break and then back for more. This episode is sponsored by HP. Now, Rory, I hear that Windows 10 is finally being put out to pasture this year. It is. And something pretty relevant for you, Alistair, given what I've seen as some of your technology.

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24:29So I don't want our listeners and viewers to imagine you spend all your time on Davos, but we met through Davos when Roy and I talked to you. I've only been to Davos like two, three times. Yeah, well, yeah. Yeah, that's enough for everybody. Rory loves it. He just lives for those sorts of events. So you said at the time, and this was around what time? January. Was it before the election? It was after the election. It was after the election. Just after the election. Yeah, a few weeks after. And you basically said to us, oh, for heaven's sake, calm down. It's going to be fine. The guy's not crazy.

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25:04He's not going to do anything crazy on tariffs. He's not going to do this kind of stuff. Just calm down. And the other piece of advice you said, we asked you what advice would you give to world leaders? And you said, learn to play golf because that's the way to influence Donald Trump. And then call him. Right. Now listen, honestly, what is your assessment of Trump so far? Trump is different than he was the first time. Better or worse? I would think probably better personally, internally himself. But this is why. This is only the second time in American history do we have a president who served, took a break and served, right?

25:39And what's difficult, you find yourself, you've both been in it. Most presidents serve these two terms, but get no break to think about what they're working on, right? And you're just on a treadmill. So you can get a plan. So he had four years out to think about what he'd want to do. He can't do another term. Are you sure about that? Does he each think that? There's two reasons why he does that, right? He just wants to screw with the press. Okay. And if he said he couldn't do another one, you make him a lame duck. He wants to troll you. Look, he comes from - Why doesn't he have better motivations in life?

26:11Because, look, he's got strength. He's got weaknesses. He accepts those in life. But he comes from the media in America knew him ahead of time, right? And so we accept him. We see warts and we see everything else, right? But I don't believe Trump started the time he picked. I believe this goes back to Ross Perot. And I believe it's a combination of, I see around the world, parties failing to solve problems. Okay, tell us about Ross Perot and how he relates to the story you gave Newt Gingrich. Who is Ross Perot again for international young artists? Ross Perot was a very successful American entrepreneur.

26:48He's from Texas. He created many companies in tech and others, right? And in the 70s, when Americans were being taken hostage, he would go in and rescue himself. He was a Texan, not a tall person, but a tough person. And he was the folklore of America, the Western, not from a cowboy point of view, but hard charging, and I could do it myself, and we can make things happen. When George Bush ran for a second term, Ross Perot runs. And he runs in an unconventional way, right? And had he not run, Clinton would have probably never won, okay? He runs and he has a unique voice about him and he's a straight talker.

27:33And he touches the cord of the people who felt they hadn't been listened to. Not so much from a party, but from a country that you felt you've been left behind. And you think Trump modeled himself more on him than on a conventional Republican leader? Look, Trump is a populace. I would say Ross Perot is a populace. But there's two principles Trump has always believed in life, in tariffs and in drug prices are too high. Those are just principles in his mind. It wouldn't matter if he's a Republican, Democrat. That's just what he has always believed in, right? And there's moments in his life he's been a Republican.

28:11There's moments in his life he's been a Democrat, right? And he's intuitive. The difference in this presidency is he had four years out to think about it. The first time he ran, he might be honest with you and tell you, I didn't really know I could win, right? But he tapped into something, kind of the forgotten man. And then when he won, he had to run against the establishment. And so he didn't have the old staff to come in and do things. And when he first comes in, he puts people together and kind of the Malcolm Gladwell type thing, he gets his 10 ,000 hours. But then he still has people who are in there that didn't come in with him that have stopped him from doing certain things, right?

28:52And then COVID hits. And then he personally believes that he got cheated in that, right? How did he get cheated? Well, he believes he won the election. I know, but I was annoying COVID. Yeah. But COVID is a really good example because COVID comes along and starts telling us to drink bleach and undermining Fauci and all this sort of stuff. We just looked at him and thought, how the hell is this guy, the president? And then when he loses and wins again, we think, how did you people do this? Do you accept that's the kind of broad European attitude to Trump? Do you get that feeling when you're here?

29:23Yeah. I get that feeling when I'm still there for Europeans. You're not shy. I respect people's opinion. But if you think about how was he able to run again, kind of the prosecution of him elevated him. Okay. I'm in America. I see it. You won't see it from there. But what happens in America, you get a pendulum swinging. And a challenge to politics in America, not in this presidential election, but the last two, I believe presidential elections are aspirational. Tell me what America is going to be like in the next four years. And off your elections are like a report card. And that's why in the House, you can win something, you run against it.

30:02But when it was his first election and his second election, people went to vote against somebody, not for something. And the Democrats, when they won with Biden, they just ran against Trump. And they won with that. But they kept doing it. By the way, because you at the time, you were a bit equivocal about whether it was stolen or not. You were absolutely accepting. You take it during, it was a very tight election. We've had these really tight elections. And this is just during the time after the election, you don't have everything done yet. I don't question who won that election. Biden won. Yeah, Biden won.

30:33But Trump still questions that. Yeah, and he truly believes that. Does he really believe it? Yeah. He truly believes that. Does that worry you? No. But, okay, so he gets these four years to think about the next four. And that's healthy because people in elected office, be it governor and everywhere else, you never have the time. You're always 30-minute meetings, everything else. Do you ever take a moment to sit and think about what you just thought you wanted to do and what you learned, right? You ever read Adam Grant's Think Again? But he doesn't even write anything down. He doesn't read. He doesn't write.

31:06You've never met him, have you? No. Okay. So those are characteristics that are not true to the man I know. Okay. He is very intuitive. He listens a lot. Okay. He's intuitive. He talks to more people and he's more accessible than anything. And if you watch the history of America, you used to go up and be able to see Abraham Lincoln, right? He will talk to people around the world. He'll talk to somebody that they don't like or he doesn't like. But does he read briefs? Yes. Yes. Kevin? And he will know things. Yes, he does. I've been in it. I've been in the meetings. I've been to Camp David. I've been in the dark side.

31:45Sorry, Roy. I've never seen a bare desk in my life. Look, he's not going to deliver. This is the difference with Trump. You're putting him in a box of all other American presidents and how they got there, all right, without knowing the past ones. He is a businessman, and everything to him is a business deal. And he's trying to set the table. So he may say something that's totally different than a normal president, but he's trying to get an advantage in a discussion. Let's come back to tariffs as an example. So when we saw you in Davos. Okay, he didn't see me. I was online. So when we saw you online.

32:20You were at Palm Beach. I was giving a speech, yes. Yeah, you were at Palm Beach and you were. I was trying to make a living. He's so excited to get a chance to argue with someone about Donald Trump. He's been looking forward to it all month. He really shamed me up. can't withhold himself. Okay. So on tariffs, you got a series of stories. So after he was elected, you got all these kind of Wall Street titans saying, don't worry about it. He's not going to put up tariffs. He tried that last time. He put them up against Canada. The automobile industry screamed. He dropped them down again. And he's got Scott Bessington and Scott Bessington doesn't believe in tariffs.

32:53Then Liberation Day happens. The tariffs go rocketing up and everyone's like, ah, yes, we always knew he was going to do this. He's always loved tariffs. And it's going to be easy because Elon Musk is going to make a trillion by cutting the government and Howard Lutnick is going to make a trillion from the tariffs. And then we're going to have sort out the deficit. And then he blinks and all the tariffs come crashing down again. And then suddenly the narrative all changes again. Oh, yes, no, no, no. We always knew what he really cared about was the markets. He cares about stock exchange, cares about the bond markets.

33:22Whereas on the 3rd of April, they were all saying, no, no, no, actually, it's all about tariffs. So there's something very odd going on, which is people who've worked with him quite closely people who know him as well as you do, miscalling this again and again, and often after the event, providing a different kind of psychological explanation for what he's up to. I think he's different than he was in the first term, but I disagree with part of that. Let me explain. The difference that he has this time is he has the 10 ,000 hours and he can't do a third term. And he does believe in the first term when he wanted to do certain things, he was always pushed back.

33:57So he couldn't fully implement what he wanted. Okay. Because of the deep state. Yeah. And then people working for him and everything else. And he'd take certain opinions. So this time he wasn't going to do it. He's going to go out and do what he believes. I believe, and he doesn't say this, but this is me analyzing. If he tells you he's going to do a 10 % tariff, he's going to do a 10 % tariff. He did that in his first presidency and Biden kept it. So what happened in that time period, he said, oh, everybody was complaining about it's not so bad, you kept them. So they didn't create inflation.

34:34They're not so bad. So it gave him more reassurance. If he tells you the tariff is going to be higher than 10%, what he's doing is, and people don't understand how to read Trump, he wants to negotiate. Anytime he raises it up, what he's trying to do is negotiation. And what he was saying is reciprocal. Now, that's a legitimate argument. I'm a free trader, but reciprocal is a legitimate argument, especially when it comes to America, based upon the last five, six decades. And understanding Trump, Trump prides a great deal on how somebody treats respect to him, and you think to America. Yeah. And if we allow you into our markets and you don't allow us, And even if we have a trade agreement, that will irritate him.

35:23Now, when he started all this, he wins the election and he's not sworn in yet. He starts with Canada and Mexico. Remember, he got elected on, I believe, three issues. Immigration, our border, the economy, and he's not Biden. So to get a hold of the border, especially last time, he needs the help of Mexico. and he utilized tariffs for negotiations last time with mexico and he got him to react so the first thing he says fentanyl's coming in it's going to be 25 so again if you read through it i want you to negotiate and it's going to go on effect in this day which it never went into effect because they did what he wanted and we before he was sworn in we already started slowing there.

36:12Can I interrupt for a second? Yeah. But Canada's different. What's weird about it is that his logics for tariffs are all mutually contradictory. Number one, I'm doing it to raise a lot of money so the manufacturing stays in China, but I'm going to charge the Chinese goods when they come in. Number two, I'm moving manufacturing back to the US, in which case you wouldn't get the tariff income. Number three, I'm doing it to deal with fentanyl, so I'll drop the tariffs down if you stop bringing the drugs in. Number four, I'm doing it for geostrategic reasons. I want to punish and weaken the Chinese economy because I don't want them to be a geostrategic competitor.

36:42All these things mean completely different things in terms of what you do with your trade policy and they contradict. Yeah. And is that a little bit of a strategy? No. Get the principle of Donald Trump. Everything's a negotiation. So he's going to use the argument at the time that gets him into a playing field different. And now you would say most politicians would fail doing that and wouldn't be able to be elected because they think they're flip-flop with trump how he came into politics was different anything else okay he he was on television but what was he on television as a successful business person who brought people into the room and was the apprentice and would fire people and put them out and so it was always moving something different it was chaotic but in the end we picked somebody up and he he made somebody out of nothing and made him a good business person because he was a negotiator but kevin do we really want government to be like a reality tv show no but reality tv is It's pretty popular, right?

37:37We have democracy. Democracy is so critical. So cricket in the UK. Okay. So let me be a counterpoint to this. Do I want America to have an open border with all these people who come through? Do I want inflation like we haven't seen since the 70s that hurts everybody? Do I want to allow Putin to invade another country? Do I want the missteps of Afghanistan? No, of course you don't. So that was all Biden. He may have been a very polite person that you would invite to tea. He wouldn't really know what was happening. But Americans didn't want that. And they picked a disruptor because they felt it had gotten so out of control that, yes, we've watched this.

38:16But they also picked a disruptor because he had got such control of the Republican Party. And let's be frank. Now he is. But when he first won, he was not. Okay. But there are lots of Republicans. We speak to them. You will know this is the case. I'm amazed how many Republicans you speak to who will say in private, the guy's an absolute monster. I wouldn't trust my daughter with him. I wouldn't do a deal with him. And yet publicly, you're all out there because he's so powerful over the party. He is more powerful in the Republican Party today than at any given time. But if I measure that, I remember when I first ran in the Statehouse, George Bush was more powerful than any Republican at that time.

38:59We just had 9-11 everywhere else. Ronald Reagan at the moment. Most leaders, when they hit their peak, it also moves out to everywhere else. They help elect governors. George Bush went around helping elect. He expanded majorities, right? That's what leaders do. And if you waste that, how is that strong? And why do leaders do it? They want to put more people who support their view and grow. I get that. And so people that have different view. And remember, when he ran the very first time, he ran against 17 others. He has a different philosophy than the other traditional Republicans. The same thing happened to Ronald Reagan.

39:41They tried to push him out when he first started running, right? Because he ran against Ford, and Ford was sitting, and a lot of Republicans go out and campaign against him. So it's more a change within the party, but it's no different than any other leader. Okay, but when you were talking about Ronald Reagan earlier, and I did meet Ronald Reagan, and even though I'm very much not his politics, I could see what you mean. He's a world leader. Right, but he's also that happiness and that sort of positivity. Right. Trump comes over to me as one of the angriest people alive. That's not the same. Okay, you're making these comments, but you had never met him.

40:16So, let me try. You know, I see quite a lot of them. Okay, but let me try to give you an example. Most people have not met him. If I'm in America, I wouldn't say it equal to you, but I would say somebody of your part, someone of your beliefs, philosophy, and is out front and talks about it all the time, I'd take a Bill Maher, okay? He's on television. He has a show that's on HBO and everything all the time. I just was on it the other day. And his whole starting monologue is criticized. And he's a liberal. He literally gives money too, like millions of dollars. And he hates Trump. Hates Trump. He has Trump syndrome.

40:47I mean, just goes crazy, yells at you, you know, stop it. And then kid rocks on and says, you know what? Have you ever known? Why don't you go to dinner? He goes to dinner at the White House, hates this man, says all these things about him. And Trump has said terrible things about him. You know what he does? He takes the list like 52 and has Trump sign him. He walks away. I was just on the show with you guys. He goes, I could have never had that conversation with Clinton or with Obama. He's more genuine. And what he found is sitting there one-on-one having a discussion. He disagrees with his politics and he disagrees with some of his delivery.

41:20Was Trump wrong that Europe should actually get to 2 %? He was right. And I've said that before he was there and I'm saying that. So I take it from an American looking back, his delivery is not good. But when I talk to, just as you say, you talk to a Republican. When I talk to elected officials in Europe, they'll say they don't like him, but they say, but there's a lot of truth to what he says. But there's another problem, Kevin, which I think we're underestimating, which is America spent 70, 80 years building up an extraordinary network of alliances, incredible goodwill, incredible soft power.

41:54Countries like Denmark worship the United States and couldn't imagine a world without the United States. And we built an entire NATO in America's shadow, So all these institutions, UN onwards, right? And the last five months has been unbelievably traumatic for Europe. I mean, something has broken, which will be very, very difficult to fix again. Just small things which you don't care about, like Greenland, are devastating. The idea that the United States, we never scenario plan for a conflict with the United States. We assume that we are. Wait, wait, wait. Let's just develop this, right? It's a sovereign territory, part of a NATO member, right?

42:41And Denmark makes it clear that this is not happening. J.D. Vance goes there against the express wishes of the sovereign elected government and makes a provocative and offensive speech against his democratic government. He endorses the AFD, a far-right party in Germany, interfering in a German election as it's happening at a very, very sensitive moment. Everything that's happened with Ukraine has completely thrown people off balance. It may be funny. He may be doing stuff that American voters like. The impact on America's alliances, particularly in the West, is shattering. It's going to be very difficult to rebuild this.

43:19You think it's all fine? Everyone's going to think it's a joke. No, look, I don't think it's fine. I know there's challenges here, but let me give you from a point of view of the outside. And I have a different opinion on what's happening in Ukraine than probably some people in my party do. I think these actions of Putin have very similar actions before the start of World War II. I think the world looks more like 1938 than any time. And we've got the crinks now, right? We haven't had that since the axis of evil. You're coming off COVID. Something like COVID only happens once a century. And what happens when something like COVID takes place, leaders in democracy lose, not because he or she has done something wrong, but because it's so life-changing and authoritarians stay in power and on a natural place, they usurp more power.

44:08If I take from an American point of view, looking out into Europe, I don't know who the leader of Europe is anymore, right? Is Macron strong in France? I don't know. I think the Prime Minister of Italy, I think she's strong. Germany? I don't know what's happening within Germany. So I think we're both going through this political movement, but I don't see how a bond between American and Europe can break that quickly when we have shared the ultimate sacrifice for each other. You would have thought so. And then I would believe that. But can you imagine threatening a sovereign state, interfering in internal elections, suggesting that your allies, France and Britain, did not sacrifice lives or participate in Afghanistan?

44:56You are the only people. J.D. Vance said this explicitly. You are the only people who've ever triggered Article 5. We deployed for you after 9-11 in Afghanistan. We gave lives in Afghanistan and we then get insulted. I was the minority leader in Congress when Afghanistan, the withdrawal took place. And I remember calling President Biden saying, you can't pull out this fast because how can you do this to the UK? They're not there because they had a 9-11. They're there because we had a 9-11. No, I couldn't thank you enough that you were willing to sacrifice your own lives because we're Do you see that?

45:36I was in Munich when J.D. Vance made that speech. And I promise you, you talk about soft power. If the guy had gone in with a bucket full of sick and thrown it all over the room, he would have had the same effect. Because he was essentially saying, you guys aren't really democratic because you don't say like I do that the AfD are great in Germany. You guys don't believe in free speech. I think they don't believe in free speech. Who doesn't? I think Trump and Vance, they go after anybody who criticizes them. They go after anybody who challenges them. Look, I understand even though you're out of Congress, you're still a Republican.

46:11You want Trump to succeed. Let me be clear. I want America to succeed. I want Europe to succeed at the same time. But just at the same point you want with yours, I just think from a perspective, look, you two were served in government at the same time. Government is much bigger on a number of different bases. We have too much bond in there in a basis to throw something away so rapidly or something. But we are in a world where things are going very quickly. Okay. Let's play devil's advocate though, okay? Is there any merit to Americans when I'm back home to say, why do we have to pay the largest share of NATO?

46:50And all these European countries have promised us 2%. Agreed. But I never came to your country and said, we just broke a bond because you guys have promised something and you haven't done it. But you're the powerful person in this relationship in a way. And Rory and I have taught, ever since we started this podcast, we talked about Europe has to step up for its own defense. We've taken American leadership on this for granted. I get that. But I think it's more about the things he says, the things he threatens, the way he says them, the way he threatens them. I actually think, and I think you may agree with this, or you may have agreed with this at one point, I actually think what he did on January the 6th renders him unfit for public office.

47:32In our country, that would have been unfit for public office ever again. The voters get to decide, look, I don't support anything that happened on January 6th. I think what happened on January 6th was wrong. But you still support him. He instigated that. Look, you haven't met him. You weren't there. I was literally in the capital and had to be removed from the capital at the time. So, I mean, I don't judge somebody based upon their opinion, based upon their life experience when they lived through something. I kind of test that that's what they know. Look, do I think our relationships, what I feel as I'm here in Europe is strained?

48:08Yeah. But what I would say is I think it's been more building. You ever been in a relationship and you let something go, go, go, go, go? And then whatever transpires isn't that big, but you let everything else build up in between it. And so it's higher. I think that's kind of where it's at. But I also believe in the Bible, it tells me, iron sharpens iron. I don't see how the sacrifices we have made for one another. Europe has laid down their life for Americans. And Americans have laid down their life for Europe. You don't break that bond. Do you have differences of opinion at times? Do you get frustrated with it?

48:43Yeah. But that's where you work through whatever the challenges are. And remember, America is a land that lives under a constitution. I think, unfortunately, your analogy is a good one. I mean, I think frustration with Europe in the U.S. was building for a long time. I mean, I remember seeing it even in the 90s. And you may well be right that what we're seeing now, you know, kind of Vance has sort of taken off the mask. He's revealed what a lot of Americans really think. You know, he served in the U.S. military and he somehow appears to have believed that America fought alone and that there weren't any allies with them and that they didn't do anything.

49:15I don't see that view. But he said it. And to be honest with you, I've never heard others bring that up. That's not something America. So it's healthy that I get to hear that. Okay. Anyway, so I think the risk is that if you let these things build up and then you're really unpleasant in the final days, whatever the background is, you know, whatever the justification is, you can end up with divorce. And I think we are very, very close to a world where the West that America carefully curated for 80 years is disintegrating and where it's becoming quite clear that, you know, President Trump's first visits are not to Canada, not to the United Kingdom.

49:52They're not to liberal democracies. They're not to NATO allies. Where are they to? I would disagree with that premise wholeheartedly. Don't overread where somebody first goes. But let me give you an analogy or why my thinking is where he transpired and why this Middle East trip was so successful. We've got conflict in Israel. We've got Ukraine and Russia. We got Iran. So Henry Kissinger, before he died, he wrote this column with Graham Allison, destined for war. 16 times in the history of the world, the number two power has surpassed the number. Only four times he didn't go to war. Their city is trapped.

50:32And they wrote it with Three numbers, 72, 72, and nine. 72 years since we've had a great war, and that's actually a long time. 72 years since a country has used an atomic or nuclear weapon. Nine countries have that capability. If we were sitting here in the 1960s having this discussion and trying to project how many countries would have nuclear capabilities in 2025, we'd say 40, 60. Working together has made that, all right? If Iran is ever allowed to have a nuclear weapon, there'll be 40 countries with a nuclear weapon within a couple of years, easily, right? Going to Saudi Arabia, okay? In the first administration, he created the Abraham Accords, which I think was very important.

51:18I also think America has learned a lesson. We have been at war for two decades, right? And I think part of our learning is you can't force democracy on a country that doesn't ask for it. I think America's greatest strength is not our aircraft carriers, the idea of America. What he did there with Syria was a new start. What he did there was trying to get Saudi Arabia to join the Abraham Accords. Also, energy is important on how you're going to get Putin to the table. His whole economy is based upon the price of oil. If we're able to lower the price, we're big producers, they're big producers. If we worked together and it didn't have a good relationship in the last administration, when Biden went there, it wasn't very positive.

52:05Then China comes in and brings Saudi Arabia with Iran. Well, that's America stepping off the stage. Russia wasn't in the Middle East for quite some years. And then during the Obama administration, when he had the red line and let it cross 12 times, we brought him into Syria, right? Doing what he did in Syria was a different policy than we had a long time. And probably he was the only one to do it, probably like Nixon going to China. But that kind of makes sure Iran and maybe push Russia out of that region, which I believe would be positive. If you lower the price of oil for every economy in the world, that's very helpful and lowers inflation.

52:44So that combination of all that. But if you sat back and you looked where you didn't come to my country first, I will tell you on a personal basis, he has such high respect for your country. and especially when the queen hosted him. I'll tell you this personal story. I've never shared it somewhere else. He told me a story where I believe it was in Buckingham Palace and he was about to go down and the queen was hosting him and he and Melania. And he turns to Melania and said, can you believe we're all here? I mean, I watched in his face, I watched in his eyes and depict that you didn't go to UK first, but who did he do the trade agreement first with?

53:20The UK. So I look at positives. I mean, sometimes people just look at negatives. Yeah, and I get sometimes that we, the Brits, are probably a little bit needy about this special relationship, etc., etc. But it is special. It's beyond special. Okay, but you mentioned Ukraine there. It's very hard for us here to see what he is trying to achieve by this constant, I mean, he's dialed it down a little bit recently, but constant berating of Zelensky, whose country was invaded by a kind of murderous dictatorial thug. I think you're being kind to Putin. Okay. But Trump's kind to Putin. And sometimes what we sense is that Putin ultimately, you mentioned Kissinger's book.

54:03I mean, Madeleine Albright wrote a book, Fascism, A Warning. And she was talking about your country. That was in Trump term one. Is he not somebody who has deeply authoritarian, potentially dictatorial tendencies? And that's why he likes Putin. And that's why he likes Xi. He admires strong leaders. He likes to be a strong leader. That doesn't mean you're dictatorial or otherwise. I've served with a lot of presidents. Putin has served with a lot of presidents. There's only one president that he didn't invade another country in. I mean, let me give you one analogy. When you think about, I look at the world and it concerns me at times.

54:38If I look at the actions movement up to World War II, where Hitler serves in the German army, but he hates that they signed the Treaty of Versailles, right? So what does he do? He runs for office in a democracy again and again and again. and the moment that he takes power, within a month, he takes power. And then he moves into the Rhineland and he rebuilds his military, even though it goes against the Treaty of Versailles, but the world power doesn't do anything because they believe they'll keep the communists at bay. So then he takes Austria. Then he creates, with a country in Asia and Italy, an axis of evil.

55:10They all want to expand their sphere of influence. Then he tells, I'm making it fast, then he tells the rest of the world he's going to take Czechoslovakia on a given day. So in comes Neville Chamberlain, right? His own generals tell Hitler, knock it off. They can defeat us. But he sees weakness in the eyes. He doesn't go with it. He signs a piece of paper he can care less about and plans and creates World War II. Putin doesn't serve in the Soviet Union army, but he serves in the KGB. He hates that it collapses to the West. So much more when Gorbachev died a few years ago, he wouldn't attend the funeral.

55:43What does he do? He does the same thing. He runs for office in a democracy, respects the democracy, serves two terms, puts its puppet Medved in. And we all knew what it was, right? Barack Obama gets caught on a hot mic talking to the president Medved and says, tell Putin I'll be more flexible after the election. Then he uses - How does this explain Trump's - Well, I'm going to get to the point because you're going to get to the point. I'm telling you my view of the world right now. He uses to rebuild his military, the natural resource. He uses KGB tactics to fund environmental groups in Europe.

56:15to get Merkel and everybody else to buy his natural gas. The pipelines go through the old Soviet Union. When Ukraine changes its leadership, he doesn't want to pay the dividend anymore. So what does he do? Proposes a new pipeline that goes through no country, goes just through the ocean. The only country to stand up against it was America, to sanction it. Then what does he do? He invades Georgia. He takes Crimea. He goes to the Donbass. Then he goes to the Olympics in China and creates a new crink, right? And then he watches the missteps of America in Afghanistan. He got his meeting with Biden.

56:49And when Biden met with him, he didn't tell him to remove the troops he parked along Ukraine. He lifted the sanctions off North Stream 2. So the world has to be strong, but you've got to judge on the outcome. What Trump wants to do, and I think everybody would say this, this war is atrocities of what has happened. I've been to Ukraine. I went in 2015 after the first invasion, and then I went back to my White House, and I sat with then the Vice President, Joe Biden. I said, let's sell javelins to Ukraine so they could defend themselves, right? You know what he told me? Europe wouldn't support it.

57:24You would provoke Putin, right? I said, okay, well, let's train him on him, keep it in Poland. So he understands How are you going to get Putin to the table? You cannot give, and this is where we're wrong because what did we promise Ukraine before? You've got to get Putin to the table. Ukraine wants to have some guarantee. This is where I think Zelensky misread it. The mineral agreement is the guarantee. Because what he was doing there, he literally said America is going to be a partner with you. If you read through the lines, if somebody attacks you, they're attacking America. So I'm giving you an agreement, but not putting it in a manner that gives Putin to save face to come to have a negotiation.

58:07So you can't judge it until it's over, right? He's a negotiator. So what he's trying to do is get people to the table to stop people from ending the atrocities that are going on. Putin is 100 % wrong with everything about this. I don't want Putin to be successful in any shape or form. But does he not look at Trump at the moment and think, this guy's pretty weak. He's saying the things I want to hear. Vance is saying the things I want to hear. Do you ever have somebody who's smooth talker compliments you and everything else, and you walk out and your pocket's gone, you overpaid for something? Yeah.

58:39I think that's a hell of a negotiator. So you can't judge until the end, to be fair. We're going to have to wrap now. Okay. I can see Alistair's so enthusiastic. He would keep going, Pras, and you've been wonderful. Happily. I would happily keep going. What better things have we got to do? He's fascinated by this conversation. As I might. So thank you for your time. Let's finish with a final one. You're a very optimistic bouncing kind of person. Always. Always. And it's lovely to see. But I want to finish just with a sense of the personal cost and the strains of being a politician. And what are the things, along with all the lovely stuff that you'll say to encourage young people to go into politics, what has become tougher about politics?

59:17If you were being honest with your family about the personal Can I just add into that as well a sense of what it was like when you were being ousted a speaker at the emotional level, at the kind of, you know, huge around the world. This is being watched and covered. And it's about you and your family are in the background somewhere watching this. Just give us an indication of what that feels like. Well, because I had been in for a while and because you've gone through the barrel a few times, I didn't have qualms. I had peace. Look, I got removed because I had one member sleep with an underage woman who wanted to leverage me to end an ethics investigation.

59:59Who Donald Trump wanted to give a senior position in the administration. Yeah, who didn't get there. Okay. Okay. And so from that standpoint, I'd rather stand on what's right, right, from the same point. It's difficult in politics. You can't have – everything's in a snapshot. You can't tell the full story. Everything's not black and white. And you got to be tough skin to be able to survive it. So is it tough on your family? Yeah. And then your family can't have a normal life. But there's also a lot of benefits. The tough part that I think through the ages, what we've done is we've said a lot of things, everybody that's in politics, to try to win.

1:00:36So we downgrade the job itself. I want the very best people to serve. I don't think I've served the whole time. And I don't think I was on this CNBC show, The Squawk Box. You know, they're in there and they're talking about carried interest. and they think anybody that has a different position, who bought them off? Well, somebody could have a different opinion in mind and not be bought off by somebody else. They look at the world a little differently. And I think the difficult part today is before, if somebody made an agreement with the other side, just like in business, you'd have a win-win. Today, society thinks if you make an agreement that you must have sold out, right?

1:01:14I had to walk through and get a debt ceiling, which Republicans don't like to vote for, with a five-seat majority, the Democrats controlling the Senate and the White House, and I got the largest cut in American history. I got the most conservative stuff you'd ever find, but you couldn't celebrate it because somehow the Democrats had to be a part of it too. In the removing, the Democrats always before said they would never vote for a motion to vacate. Pelosi told me, we'll never vote for that. but I'm the only leader in modern history that has always won seats. I elected the most women for Republicans and the most minority for Republicans, and I won every single time as leader.

1:01:52We gained seats. Even when Biden won the presidency with 82 million votes, you know how many Republicans in Congress lost their seat? Zero. That hadn't happened since 94, and we beat 13 Democrats. Everybody projected I'd lose 25. The power of the idea, getting the right person who represents it. I still think, look, I look at the Capitol. I don't take back one day. I loved every moment of it. I do it all again. And I do it the same way. Even the falls, because it's what makes you who you are, right? I love to read books about people who have stumbled and picked themselves up. And I think that's kind of what America is about.

1:02:29That's what we look for. Well, listen, thank you for your time. Our motto, I don't even know our motto is disagree agreeably. It sounds to me that you're calling for a bit more of that. That's a message I think you should take back to your leader who should disagree more agreeably. But thank you very, very much for your time. Yeah, it's been an honour. Thank you. Good to see you guys. I really appreciate it. So, Roy, that was our second encounter with Kevin McCarthy, first in Davos and then on the podcast. Yeah, well, I thought the main thing sitting in the room was, I've never seen you so animated or excited.

1:03:01It was actually, in a way, very kind of charming. It was a bit like me being sort of stuck in a room trying to argue with some philosopher I disagreed with. You were clearly so sort of confused, intrigued and enraged about his support for Trump. But I don't think it's very good to indicate to possible new listeners and new members that I'm normally asleep. I don't think you're asleep. But I meant, no, I don't think you're normally asleep. I feel I'm always animated and energetic. No, you're very animated. But this one was very charming because it was one where you would occasionally look at me and say, you know, you can ask the next question.

1:03:32But then when it actually came to it, you couldn't resist asking a second or third question yourself. I think because you were so sort of puzzled by the fact that you find it very difficult dealing with someone who's still a massive supporter of Trump. So you kept coming back in saying, yeah, but deep down, I don't believe he is. I don't believe he believes all that. I think he I think he has to say that he feels he has to say that because even though he's no longer a politician, as it were, a serving active politician, he's still on the circuit. Yeah. He's still part of the kind of national Republican Party conversation.

1:04:05So he feels he has to say those things. I mean, I talked to Anthony Scaramucci beforehand, so, you know, and he was very strongly viewed that that was the way to press him was, you know, does he really believe this stuff? And I genuinely find it hard to get over the January 6th stuff. And so at one point did Kevin McCarthy, but now it's sort of, oh, well, that's all ancient history. What do you think about him as a politician? Well, I thought one thing that was interesting is that you saw the clearest possible example of what the moderate defense of Trump was. So I had dinner with a Trump appointee in the States just before I left, who was saying almost exactly the same line as Kevin.

1:04:48And it was very similar, actually, to when we interviewed Natham Zahawi about Boris Johnson. You've got to meet him. You should spend time with him. Exactly. Classic defense is when you spend time with them, they're very charming, they're very smart, they're very well briefed, and they let you get on with it, and they're great managers. And it's really weird because the massive dissonance is how difficult it is to get across to Kevin McCarthy. Firstly, as you pointed out, the fact that he said when we saw him in Davos in January that Trump was going to be much more moderate and restrained and wouldn't want to do anything crazy on tariffs or scare the markets or the bond markets.

1:05:28and how he now processes that. The second thing is the struggle of American supporters of Trump understanding how totally thrown off balance Europe has been, how much they feel that what Trump has done has destroyed the American alliance since 1945, how things like Greenland, the threats of Greenland are not a joke that you can't just say, yeah, he's a bit of a clown and he gets to go around saying stuff, but we'll kiss and make up and we'll be just as it was before. that they just don't understand how much he's wrecked by his behavior. But also, I just don't buy this idea that if you met him and you spoke to him, because the truth is, Donald Trump does everything in public anyway.

1:06:12I mean, I wish the news channels would stop saying, breaking news, Donald Trump takes questions from reporters, because he does it about every 20 minutes. And so we see the guy. I don't need to meet him and to have a conversation to know that he behaved in a repellent fashion to Zelensky when he met him. I don't need to meet him to know that when he sat down with Cyril Ramaphosa recently, he behaved like a complete jerk. I don't need to meet him to know that. And the idea, by the way, Roy, that if you met him, he reads his brief, you've got the bloody Kirstie Noem woman, the intelligence person, saying that because he doesn't read his brief, she's trying to get them packaged like Fox News bulletins to give him a daily morning video briefing rather than the thing.

1:06:58And likewise with Johnson, I don't buy the idea that if you met Johnson, you'd suddenly think he was a hard worker. Just look at the COVID inquiry to sort of put that one right. So no, I don't buy that line. But what I think we're seeing at one level with both Trump and the kind of milder version of Boris Johnson is what it's like to be a professional party politician, how important party loyalty is. I mean, Kevin McCarthy is the ultimate party insider. He became involved in politics quite young. He's completely sort of Republican through and through. And what really matters to them above all is winning.

1:07:33I mean, I think that the real answer that I used to get on Boris Johnson when I'd say that I thought he was a terrible prime minister, a terrible human being, people would say, yeah, but he won. He did really well in the 2019 election. And that's what they They will sense that above all, provided he can win, the sense of party loyalty seems to trump any kind of ethics, any kind of international relations, any kind of anything. You can see why he made it in that system. He's very, very eloquent, very charming. It was interesting after you had to run off, but, you know, he hung around at the end and wanted to chat to the production team and very affable.

1:08:12but I suspect deep in his heart he thinks this Trump stuff is a bit of a disaster but he knows that if he says that you know, he's going to toast. There we go. That's my view, Kevin. Anyways, lovely to talk to you. Thank you, Kevin, for your time.

1:08:39It's 4.07am. Birds are starting to chirp. And while most people are still counting sheep, you count stock gains, inflation ticks, and quarterly earnings. Because getting ahead in business takes stubborn curiosity and a refusal to log off before the dots connect. The details most skin past, you read twice. Because when the world wakes up, you want to be two steps ahead. Get ahead with WSJ +, offering insights from the Wall Street Journal, Barron's, Market Watch, and Investor's Business daily. Because fortune favors the ambitious.

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What is the logic behind Trump’s “chaotic” political strategy? Are Europe and America heading for a divorce? What did it feel like to get ousted as the Speaker of the House on a global stage? 

Rory and Alastair are joined by former Speaker of the House Kevin McCarthy to discuss all this and more. 

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