161. Putin, Trump, and 500 Years of Resisting Russia (Radek Sikorski)

10 Nov 2025 · 58 min

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Podcast Summary: The Rest Is Politics - Episode 161: Putin, Trump, and 500 Years of Resisting Russia (Radek Sikorski)

Episode Overview

  • Hosts: Alastair Campbell and Rory Stewart
  • Guest: Radek Sikorski, Polish Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs
  • Main Topics:
  • Sikorski's experiences as a refugee from communist Poland
  • The war in Ukraine and its potential resolutions
  • The rise of populism in Europe and strategies to combat it

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Key Discussions

Personal Background

  • Sikorski's Early Life:
  • Fled communist Poland and was a refugee in the UK during the 1980s.
  • Studied at Pembroke College, Oxford.
  • Discussed the contrast between the education systems and economic conditions in Poland vs. Britain during his youth.

Russia and the West

  • Historical Context:
  • Poland's tumultuous history with Russia over the past 500 years.
  • Insight into the psychological impact of past invasions and the current threat posed by Russia.
  • Relationship Dynamics:
  • Reflections on the shift from an attempt to normalize relations with Russia to the current antagonistic stance due to Putin's policies.
  • Notable historical moments, such as Putin's visit to Gdansk and the acknowledgment of the Katyn massacre.

The War in Ukraine

  • Current Situation:
  • Detailed insights into the ongoing conflict in Ukraine and its implications for Poland.
  • The belief among Poles that if Ukraine falls, Poland could be next, emphasizing the urgency of defense preparations.
  • Future Predictions:
  • Sikorski's view that Ukraine could join the EU within the next decade if it successfully navigates the ongoing war.

Populism in Europe

  • Emergence of Populism:
  • Sikorski analyzes how populism gained traction in Poland and across Europe, particularly after the 2015 elections.
  • Highlights how populists often present simplistic solutions to complex problems.
  • Counteracting Populism:
  • Discussion on the role of media and judiciary in maintaining democracy and the risks posed by populist narratives.
  • Sikorski emphasizes the need for clear rebuttals to misinformation and the importance of professional journalism and academia.

Political Reflections

  • Sikorski's Political Evolution:
  • Transition from a right-leaning perspective shaped by anti-communist sentiments to a more centrist view over time.
  • Insights into his experiences within the Polish government and his outlook on foreign policy and European integration.
  • Future of Europe and NATO:
  • Discussion on the potential need for a more unified European defense and security policy.
  • The importance of solidarity among European nations in facing external threats, particularly from Russia.

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Key Takeaways

  • Sikorski's Journey: His experiences as a refugee shaped his understanding of freedom, democracy, and the dangers posed by authoritarian regimes.
  • Russia's Threat: Understanding the historical context is crucial in grasping the current geopolitical landscape in Eastern Europe.
  • Populism's Challenge: Recognizing and addressing the allure of populism is essential for maintaining democratic integrity in Europe.
  • Future of NATO: A strong and unified Europe is necessary to counter external threats, with particular emphasis on the implications of the ongoing war in Ukraine.

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Conclusion The episode provides an in-depth reflection on the historical and contemporary issues surrounding Poland's political landscape, Russia's actions, and the rise of populism in Europe. Sikorski's insights underscore the delicate balance between national security, democracy, and the European Union's future.

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Transcript

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3:01Welcome to The Restless Politics, leading with me, Rory Stewart. And with me, Alistair Campbell. Rory's in London, I'm in Poland, and I'm very happy to be with the Polish Foreign Minister and Deputy Prime Minister, Radek Sikorski. And I was thinking, Rory, that you two have a lot in common. You both have initials, RS. You are highly adventurous writers and journalists. You've written articles and books and made films in war zones, including Afghanistan. You're both Oxford graduates in PPE. You're both passionate about foreign and security policy. You're internationalists. You're fellows of top American universities.

3:40You're both married to very strong American wives. You both have two sons. You're both conservatives with the experience of government. And I think you've both become a little bit more centrist and sensible over time. And Radek was once actually a British citizen, as we shall hear. And I first became a member of a government as deputy defence minister as far back as 1992. Senior minister 2007, in and out of government, back in 2023 as foreign minister and now deputy prime minister. and a regular voice and face on British media, not just because of his fluency, but also because he's one of the world's leading critics, I would argue, of Russian expansionism and Putin's conduct of the war in Ukraine.

4:24So a lot to talk about. Rory, where do you want to start? Firstly, welcome, Deputy Prime Minister, and thank you so much for joining us. Can we start back at the extraordinary transition, or at least it seems from the outside, that you went through going from communist Poland to Oxford University? And what was Poland like in the 1980s? And what was your vision of Oxford in the 1980s? And what did you take from that contrast? That's right. I was in Britain when martial law was imposed in Poland by General Jaruzelski. And I became an asylum seeker and an asylum beneficiary. And I've gone no outpouring of sympathy for Poland at the time of the solidarity resistance against communism.

5:12Actually, that was interesting from both the right and the left. From the right, because we were anti-communist, and from the left, because solidarity was a trade union. So it was a cause that resonated everywhere. And yes, I remember studying at Pembroke College, Oxford, with great fondness. How did you get there, though? Because when you went to Britain, presumably you weren't as fluent in English as you are now? I was actually quite good. We have something called National Olympics in various subjects, and I was in the English Language Olympics. And then I attended Southwark College to get the proficiency in English certificate.

5:51But you went to Oxford, which is, you know, that's quite a journey to have gone. Sure. And I attended an interview, and I remember being asked, so what do you think about Marxism at the interview and he said I come from communist Poland I have not yet met a Marxist but maybe I'll meet one here I'm sure you did I'm sure you did and what was it what was it like going to school because your parents were both anti-communist my father was the head of solidarity in his architectural office yeah and and you inherited that sort of basic view of Polish politics at the time. But just give us a feel for what it was like being educated in a Polish school under the communists.

6:39How did that differ from the education you then had in Britain? The basic and secondary education was actually then and it still is pretty good in Poland. So we give good education for the great majority of people, whereas you have these elite universities and elite schools. So it's the other way around in Poland. So why did you send your own children to one of our elite schools that Rory went to? Well, it's a good school. Okay. It's a very expensive school as well. So, Deputy Polaris, give us a sense of what the economic conditions were like in Poland in the 1980s and what they were like in Britain and what contrasts you saw between the two.

7:21And then also, So what was the contrast in terms of your sense of political freedom? It's difficult, I think, for people to imagine Poland in the 1980s. Of course, it was not Stalin's Russia, but equally it was not contemporary Denmark. What did it feel like? So Poland in the late 70s, early 80s was communist, but there was no terror. There was, I mean, people were jailed, people were interned. Some people were killed during anti-communist demonstrations, but there wasn't mass terror. There wasn't even the kind of repression you have in Russia today, where you have three and a half thousand political prisoners.

8:01But Poland was impoverished by communism. We were, at the end of the 1980s, we were the poorest by comparison with the European average in our thousand-year history. So our GDP per capita was a third of the European average. And going from communist Poland to Britain was a really big deal. It was really difficult. Not only getting a passport was not automatic. You had to apply to the communist authorities. I was only 18, so I didn't have a record yet, which is why I could do it. But then you needed a visa. And then you needed a plane ticket to London, which was, you know, this was something you had to plan a year ahead.

8:48And the contrast was unbelievable. I mean, the iconic picture from communist Poland was a food queue. Whereas today, Poland is a huge exporter of foodstuffs, of agricultural products, including to Britain. Most of your cider is made from Polish apples. Really? Yeah. It makes me think it was Orton Somerset. let's just flick back to to oxford because you you've obviously got something about you that you know as i say to go from poland and you don't just get to university you get to oxford and and then you fall in with this extraordinary crowd of people who ended up basically running britain you were friendly with boris johnson you knew david cameron you george osborne you know all these people were you always well look wait a second okay my job you you know a thing or two, there are state secrets.

9:39Oh. There are nature secrets. And there are bullying to come secrets. Okay. I wasn't even, you raised the bully, Ludwig. Okay. I wasn't even, well, I might be going there. But you were clearly a very political animal. Yeah. Even back then. I was a hack at the Oxford Union. Were you instinctively what I would define as right wing? I was anti-communist. Right. And because Maggie Thatcher was anti-communist and pro-market, and she was tough on the Soviet Union. I thought I liked that. I now have a somewhat different view, but in those days, that was the most important thing. So was I right that you've kind of moved a bit from the right into the center?

10:18You know, Thatcher and Reagan spoke of the state as if it was not quite the enemy, but as if the market could fix everything. And actually, I now know that, I mean, even on purely financial grounds, you know, in most civilized countries, the state accounts for 40, 45 percent of GDP. So the quality of spending of almost half of your GDP, in other words, the quality of state institutions matters. And it's also the quality of your judiciary, the quality of your administration of public services actually affects your economic performance a great deal. Before we bring you back into the core of your political life, the way I first knew about you was your travels in Afghanistan.

11:14Extraordinary travels with the Mujahideen during the 1980s, during the Russian occupation. A very, very courageous journey to Herat, some amazing books and articles. Tell us a little bit about what that was like and your memories of Afghanistan in that period and presumably the very considerable risks that you and your colleagues were taking at that time. Well, the contrast was considerable. So one day we are with friends that, you know, having the last party at Oxford University. And six weeks later, I was in a cave in Afghanistan, flea infested cave, if I may say so. And I'd been preparing for that journey with Chris Robson, a friend from my year.

11:57And we made it to the Kabul Jalalabad Road at a place called Jekdalek, which was actually the place where the last British square was cut down during the first Afghan war in 1830 or 1831. You know, he was filming, I was taking photographs. And then I spent six weeks in Tora Bora when it was our base. And I brought out the first pictures of Stinger missiles on the battlefield. Which was a big thing at the time. Which made a dramatic difference on the battlefield because one day we were bombed and rocketed by Soviet hind helicopters from close quarters. And as soon as the missiles were used, they flew high and couldn't do anything to us.

12:42And that meant that the Soviets couldn't reinforce or resupply their garrisons. And so they were faced with a choice, either to double their contingent or leave. Did you go in the same spirit as perhaps people on the left in British politics would go and fight Franco in Spain? What was your motivation to go? I did read my Orwell, and I suppose so. But remember that at the time, nobody was giving the Mujahideen any chance. A bunch of guerrillas facing the mighty Soviet Union. And my Afghan comrades would be telling me, and I also thought this was unrealistic, you know, we're not just fighting for ourselves.

13:22We are fighting to liberate the world from communism. Actually, they were right. One thing that, of course, changed after your time in Afghanistan is that the Mujahideen then began to seem more complicated. Having been great heroes in the 80s and early 90s, after 9-11, particularly people's perspective on Muslims fighting became quite different. Did that give you, when the West was intervening in Iraq and Afghanistan, some understanding of who our enemies were? Did it give you at least an imaginative understanding of how other people perceive us? Of course, you know that people confuse the Mujahideen with the Taliban.

14:03My guerrilla friends were not fanatics in the sense of being anti-Western. Quite the contrary, they were grateful for the assistance that they were getting. But, you know, these perceptions have changed even since then. You know, I remember, I don't know about you, but I thought that, you know, the intervention, American intervention in Afghanistan was justified because that's where Osama bin Laden was. The Taliban would refused to give him up. So the US had to do what it had to do. And Iraq seemed like the war of choice that didn't go well. But now actually, Iraq is doing well. And Afghanistan is back under Taliban rule.

14:47So, you know, yeah, you're right that what happens in the future determines how we look at the past. So you go off from Oxford to do that in Afghanistan, and you kind of made a name for yourself in all sorts of ways doing that. The guys you left behind, I mentioned them, Cameron, Johnson, Osborne, did you see in them at the time the political and personal skills, whatever it was that they had, and the personalities? Could you have imagined them then as being chancellors and prime ministers in the British government? Oh yeah, we knew Boris would be prime minister. Seriously, back then? Given I still look at him and can't understand how he ever became prime minister, tell me what I was missing.

15:25Well, the man had a charisma. When he entered the room, you felt that someone entered. Back in Oxford? Yes. And he was very successful. He became president of the Oxford Union. And Oxford Union is a unique institution that, for example, in Poland, we don't have, where you learn rhetorical skills and where you learn... After you've done politicking at the Oxford Union, normal politics is a piece of cake. And Cameron? He was a year above me. I met him, but I didn't know him. You met him at the Bullyington Club? No, actually later on. Okay. So who did you meet at the Bollywood Club? Which hotels did you, Johnson, which did you try?

16:05I think I've already answered that question. Have you? You answered that state secret. Okay. And then you come back to, I mean, was I right that you were deputy defense minister by 1992? I was. So you've come back. Are you then trying to push Poland in a certain direction, presumably towards NATO? Obviously. And that was my job. But it was more interesting than that. So this was literally just two years after the fall of communism. So at our military council of the ministry, several members were members of the junta that ran Poland in the 1980s. It was a meeting of civilizations. Incredible. Incredible.

16:42And so tell me how you went from that. How long did it take you to get Poland on the path to NATO? I helped to organize the first visit by Secretary General of NATO, Manfred Werner. to Poland. And it was at that time that we stated for the first time that that's what we ultimately wanted to join while we were still having Soviet troops in our country who only left in 93. As we move forward, Russia, your relationship with Russia, Poland's relationship with Russia evolved very significantly over this period. And I think there was a period in the mid 2000s, sort of 2005, 2009, when it felt as though you were trying to create a warmer relationship with Russia.

17:22And this has a parallel actually with Alistair, because famously, his great friend Tony Blair said to him after the first meeting with Vladimir Putin, I think this is somebody we can do business with. Tell us a little bit about this period and what people's perceptions of Putin were. Were we naive? Was he always like this? Did he change? Well, Poland's relationship with Russia goes back 500 years, okay? And they colonized us at the end of the 18th century, and we were a Russian colony for 123 years. So let's just remember that. They also invaded Poland together with Nazi Germany in 1939, and then subjected us to 45 years of communism.

18:01So, you know, it all has, there's a lot of history. Poland produces more history than can be consumed locally. But yes, it was President Obama who first said that the the United States wanted a reset. You know, this was a time when I was first defense minister in 2005 and then foreign secretary, when the European Union was negotiating an association agreement with Russia. You know, Russia was saying, we want economic integration with the West. G7 became G8. Yeah. And, you know, we were discussing the negotiating mandate for the European Commission to make this agreement. And people still remind me that we tried to normalize our relations with Russia, but I thought it was worth trying.

18:50You actually speculated at one point that you might be able to get Russia one day into NATO. I was saying that it would be in our interest for Russia to fulfill NATO criteria, which is democracy, which is fixing your relationships with your neighbors. If Russia fulfilled those conditions, it should be a different country. And, you know, Putin came to Gdańsk on the 80th anniversary of the Second World War, thereby acknowledging that that's when the war started, not with the Nazi invasion of the Soviet Union. There was a denial of the Stalinist narrative of history. Actually, he was the first leader of Russia to come to Katyn, the place of the murder of thousands of Polish POWs.

19:37We had a group on difficult issues. Polish and Russian historians established the difficult facts of common history, which is not a small thing because you can't really reconcile. And the patriarch of Russia came and with our church, they issued a statement on reconciliation modeled consciously on the 1960s statement with the German bishops. So it seems to be slowly going maybe in the right direction. And tell me, one guy that you've met, I've met Putin several times, but I don't think I've ever met Lavrov. You met Lavrov, the foreign minister, often. What's your sense of him? How has he managed to be such a survivor in a world where very few survive real longevity?

20:26And what should we make of him? What will history make of Lavrov? My feeling that he was a real foreign minister until the Anschluss of Crimea. You think he was a real foreign minister? In other words, he had influence over policy. And since then, he's become just a spokesman. But I wouldn't describe him as a survivor. You see, in an autocratic system like that, you can't say, Mr. President, I disagree with the policy. I resign. No, you serve at the dictator's pleasure. So he literally is just Putin's puppet. he's a spokesman, let's say. Just to develop this idea then, what happened to Vladimir Putin's view of the world then?

21:07If he was sincere, and those moments you're talking about when he's visiting Gdansk, acknowledging the Kutin massacre, the patriarchs visiting, what explains the change? What explains the Putin that we see today? Obviously, not one cause. If you read Putin's plan for Russia as prime minister, it was a plan for modernization and not just military modernization, but a social modernization. And then he, I think he found that it was too difficult. There were too many oligarchic and bureaucratic interests. And he found corruption was too easy? I'm sure that too. Then things started going wrong. You know, in this part of the world, we have more sensitive antenna for changes of Russian policy because it's, you know, potentially such a threat.

22:02So when he unveiled a plaque to the memory of Andropov, his former KGB boss on Lubyanka, I remember thinking this is going in the wrong direction. And then when they changed school curricula to teach children a view of Tsarist and communist expansionist history and ideology, I thought, this is not going to end well. And then I think the final straw was 2011. People forget Arab Spring when he saw Gaddafi emerging from that sewer or Mubarak in an iron cage. And he saw huge demos in Moscow and St. Petersburg protesting his return to the Kremlin. I think he saw himself in the place of Mubarak and Gaddafi.

23:02Interesting. Very interesting. Listen, we'll come back to Ukraine, but I want to, you served in the government with the Law and Justice Party, and then you resigned and you shifted to Donald Tusk and you were his foreign minister almost 20 years ago, you know, back in both of you in the same job. And there was a speech I read that you did, I think back in 2010, 2011, you said this, I fear German power less than I'm beginning to fear German inactivity. Can you just unpick that one for me? Well, that was at the height of the Euro crisis. And Germany, I felt, was being tardy in addressing the Greek financial crisis, that if Germany acted earlier, it could have been resolved with much smaller resources.

23:49And I actually repeated this phrase this year in the Polish parliament over this discussion of German rearmament. Oh, interesting. And do you have the same instinct now? I said, as long as Germany is in NATO and the EU, I fear German pacifism more than I fear German rearmament. Interesting. Interesting. Just on that one, because I'm tempted to sort of try to understand this. one of the strange things during the German elections was the sight of J.D. Vance reaching out to the AFD, Elon Musk very much getting behind them. And I thought there was something quite strange about the United States, or these leading figures at least, being very much in favor of increasing defense spending, Europe spending 5 % on GDP, but also trying to support nationalist movements across Europe.

24:45And I was thinking, you know, what can possibly go wrong? Let's give them lots of guns and then let's support the nationalists. This doesn't seem like a very good recipe. Well, it's even stranger than that. Our current opposition party in Poland, which is also nationalist, actually, when I was a member of the European Parliament, I saw them collaborating and cheering one another on. I think what unites them is hostility towards the European Union, which, by the way, your nationalists share. I was in the chamber in Strasbourg when Nigel Farage was making his last speech to the European Parliament.

25:21I hope he enjoys his European Parliament pension. I'm sure he's upset to be accepting it in Euros. And also to have his children with German passports as well. I was hoping to get through the whole interview without talking about Nigel Farage. But just briefly, your views on Brexit when you were in the kind of right-wing conservative circles in Britain, your views on Brexit at the time of the referendum, and your views on Brexit now? Well, you asked me about Lady Thatcher, and I now think that the seeds of Brexit were planted in the 1980s. So on the one hand, it was under Margaret Thatcher that Britain signed the Single European Act, which made EU law a primary.

26:06and also it was a British invention to set up the single market. But there was an undertone of nationalism of regarding, you know, I now explain it to myself that former empires that have not been defeated in war find it psychologically impossible to live under rules that are not made by themselves, that are negotiated. In that sense, you're similar to Turkey. Although Turkey is now better, more integrated with the EU than Britain, which is sad. And at the time, you were no longer a British citizen when the referendum came, but you'd have voted Remain? Yes, I would. And the other way in which the seeds of Brexit were planted in the 1980s is that the British public was consistently misled, not just by politicians, but also by the press, about how the EU actually works.

27:05And confession, I was a Eurosceptic at that time because I was reading reputable British newspapers. Like Boris Johnson and the Daily Telegraph, for example. But not only. you could not make out how a european directive is actually made by reading the british press you were left with the impression that it's faceless bureaucrats in brussels which who cook it up and then impose it on the member states that is absolutely not how a directive is made for a directive to to to come into force not only do you need an agreement of uh of the member states and on majority of cases unanimously. You need an agreement of the European Parliament.

27:48And the commission is not a bunch of faceless bureaucrats. Commissioners are appointed by democratic-related governments. Now that I know how it works, because I've worked the system, I don't know how you could make it even any more democratic than that. One of the people who was one of the great champions of this vision of the European Union was, of course, Boris Johnson. I mean, he created his career in Brussels, creating these apparently comical stories about straight bananas, about condoms being different sizes, about all these kind of directives. And I wonder whether, now that you're deeper in politics, whether this question about the relationship between, I don't want to sound too pompous, but between truth and political action becomes more important.

28:29Well, since I have this experience, I have taken it upon myself to prevent the Polish people having the same trick played on them. The difficulty in Britain was that politicians felt constrained to counter the myths and the lies. And I do it almost every day so that the misrepresentation doesn't get accepted as reality. Because in Poland, we have similar nationalists peddling similar lies. But in Poland, we give counter to them. And in your Brexit referendum, the government's argument was, yeah, well, this EU, you know, it's everything you say, but it's in our economic interest to stay. That's not a good enough argument.

29:16You have to make the case for, and we keep making the case for. Can I just sort of bring you into the bigger conversation around populism? The election of the Law and Justice Party in Poland in 2015 is just before the Brexit referendum. And I guess there's something very interesting about what's happening about 10 years ago in populism throughout Europe. It starts maybe in Hungary. There were earlier Polish versions of this. But what is this phenomenon? How did it get going? How do you understand its causes? How would you describe it? And how do we stop it? So first of all, remember that in 2015, our populists won by a fluke.

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29:52They got 38 % of the vote, which in a proportional representation system doesn't normally give you an overall majority. Our left-wing party missed the 8 % threshold for coalitions by 30 ,000 votes. And if they'd got the extra 30 ,000 votes, which was actually literally one television debate, everything would have been different. But yes, Poland has the same issues of populism as Britain, as France, as Germany, as the United States. And populists are skilled at proposing simple solutions to difficult problems. also electorates everywhere have told us fix migration or else or or we will choose people who will and and some cultural issues i think also also play a role i mean this is a a big debate which we are not going to resolve here now you said there that you you're out rebutting and you're out fighting against the lies and so forth but in a sense the presidential election which, you know, your party narrowly lost to a populist, which was being seen as a bit of a defeat for Donald Tusk and the government.

31:08Does that show that maybe you didn't successfully rebut the sort of things that you have to do if you're going to fight this stuff? Poland is split down the middle into the nationalist part and the pro-European part. And who wins depends sometimes on technical issues and sometimes on mobilization. Do you feel overall you're winning the big arguments right now? well you know you asked me what it was like to be in britain to arrive in britain in the 1980s i'll tell you what if at that time someone would told me that there will come a moment when poland will be in the eu and britain will not be and that in britain they would be having a serious political debate about poland possibly overtaking britain economically i would have said That's pure fantasy.

31:59And yet here we are. Okay, Deputy Prime Minister Alistair, let's have a quick break and then back for more. School of Rock is so much more than a music school. It's a place to shine. In an independent study commissioned by School of Rock, 96.2 % of parents noticed a boost in their child's self-confidence since joining our programs. Our students gain far more than music skills. By playing in a band, they grow into leaders and develop self-confidence that extends beyond the lesson room. Learn more at schoolofrock.com slash sign up. You know the words that dominate our news cycle. Private equity keeps inventing...

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34:06Feature availability varies by plan. Offer available for new business customers in the UK, US, Australia and Ireland. Fees and terms and conditions apply. I was going to actually ask you if we could move on to two of the really big issues that have kind of been dominating global debate and politics in recent months. We'll come on to Ukraine. I think I really want to get your views on how that all resolves itself. But you're very, very strongly pro-Israel. No, no, no. Wait a second. Poland is in favor of a two-state solution. Poland has recognized Palestine for decades. There was a fully accredited Palestinian ambassador in Warsaw.

34:53And we have repeatedly criticized the overuse of force by Israel, the breaking of international humanitarian law, and the illegal settlements in the West Bank. So yes, because of history, here you are in Łódź, which once had the largest ghetto, second largest, I think, of the Warsaw. And so there is a lot of history. But we see the tragedy of both peoples. How have you found that from being somebody who I think instinctively, and I'm not saying this remotely in a critical way, who instinctively feels support for the state of Israel? How have you found that? For the existence of Israel in security within internationally recognized borders.

35:40Okay, but how have you felt over the last couple of years in seeing the sense of that Israel and how it projects itself to the outside world by its conduct inside Gaza? Obviously, there's a wave of criticism. What I don't get is how people can criticize Israel without mentioning what caused this current wave of violence. And it was a heinous terrorist attack by Hamas, which, by the way, destroyed the peace party in Israel and harmed the Palestinian cause. You've been at this game for a very long time now. One of the things that I think is very difficult to get across to people is what it's like being a minister.

36:23How do you explain to people what the difference is between being a minister or being a business person or being a journalist or running an NGO? What is the essence? What is the strangeness of being a minister that people don't understand? I'm sometimes asked what's the difference between a foreign minister and a defense minister. But yes, I don't know exactly how it works in Britain, but in the Polish constitutional system, the ministry is just an addition to the person of the minister. You are responsible for foreign policy. And it carries a lot of responsibility. I was for four years a deputy, which helps to prepare you.

37:05How does the relationship between a government of one party with a president of another who has some influence and involvement in foreign policy, how does that actually work in practice? Lucky you to have a limited constitutional monarchy. Well, tell me. Tell me how it works. It's a challenge. I try to explain to myself that it's like the Roman Republic with two consuls simultaneously. Where does actual real power lie? So our constitution makes the prime minister the head of the executive branch. And the president is basically head of state and a representative of the country abroad with a veto power.

37:47So our Charles is Charles III plus the veto. So how did you feel, all that being said, how did you feel when the President of the United States, I think on two occasions during the campaign, invited your opponent, who now is the President, to the Oval Office and gave him his political blessing? Well, we used to have this rule among democracies that we don't interfere in each other's party political processes. Most of us still do. But we did interfere in the politics of dictatorships on behalf of democracy. And now it's the other way around. Hold on. So you kind of are moving towards my view that the United States under Trump is becoming an autocracy.

38:31No. Nice try. But no, I didn't say that. But you know, it's actually, it is astonishing. I mean, for me as somebody who used to be a diplomat and then became a politician and now no longer a politician, This change is very dramatic because even in Kenya, the American government was very scrupulous not to choose sides in an election. And now suddenly we have it being made clear that they want the AFD to win in Germany. You know, there was a moment where there was very fierce criticism against Keir Starmer, essentially supporting Farage and now supporting a guy called Tommy Robinson, who's beyond Farage.

39:04It's a very strange moment. I mean, I wonder whether you can help us understand how this is happening, why this is happening. Well, I'll refuse this invitation to interfere in the politics of our great ally. But as you know, there is a Chinese curse. May your dreams come true. Let me push one more time. Tell us a little bit. We've interviewed your wife, Anne Applebaum, about populism. I have to say here that she's a separate subject of the international law. Okay. Okay. She's a separate side. We're not going to get you to talk about her. But the subject that she discussed with us, of course, was populism.

39:42And I wonder whether you could explain what it felt like in Poland. As you pointed out, there are versions in Britain, there are versions in Italy, there are versions in Germany. But in the Polish context, what did it mean in practice? How threatening was it? How dangerous was it to democracy? I can quote you words and populist actions from literally the last 48 hours. So our opposition party has just had a huge convention at which the leader, the former prime minister, Kaczynski, said that Poland's independence is threatened by this German and French attempt to take away our statehood. This is at a time when there are Russian drones and missiles 250 kilometers from here killing people.

40:31So, you know, in the Polish context, we feel that the enemy is in the East. We don't feel culturally or civilizationally threatened by the West. This is us, the pro-European part of the political spectrum. You know, my parents' generation and myself, we dreamt of Poland being normal when we were under communism. And normal, we defined as just a regular Western European country. And we've achieved that. And we were, at that time, assaulted by communist propaganda talking about the rotten West. And now we have our competitors talking about rotten West. And it's just extraordinary because of cultural issues to do with sexual minorities and the pace of social change.

41:20And some people are being hoodwinked by that kind of simplistic propaganda. What do they mean by France and Germany trying to take away his state? Just being members of the European Union? Yeah, that's right. That's it. Which is absurd because France and Germany on their own don't even have a blocking minority, let alone a majority. One more just on this, the judiciary. Explain what had happened with the judiciary in Poland and how worried should we have been? I mean, some people said, OK, these guys were in for 10 years roughly in Poland, but they're not such a big deal. I don't know why people call them populists.

41:54I don't know why people call them authoritarians. It's not the end of the world. It's the European Union. Everything's fine. Try to explain what it was actually like. Why was it dangerous? Why was it something to be concerned about? You see, the conclusion of this already 10 years of experiments in various countries with populism should be, in my view, that institutions are much more fragile than we think. that constitutions are only as good as the sense of probity and the willingness to stand up by the people who man them who have the duties to uphold constitutions i remember even in britain do you remember the headline with the portraits of judges enemies of the people we just talked to the former Supreme Court judge?

42:44Right. So in Poland, until 10 years ago, we had a system basically of judges electing themselves with a minority being elected by parliament. And our nationalist competitors broke, in my view, broke the constitution by electing a much larger number of them by politicians. And so we now have judges elected by a previous system and judges elected under this politicized system. And what I will put to you is that it's all very complicated, but the function of the judiciary is not only to pass judgment, but also to maintain the appearance of impartiality. And whatever you think about the rights and wrong, that has certainly been lost.

43:38So before these populist reforms, I never asked myself when going to court, is this judge from left wing or right wing or, you know, who is he sympathetic to? And I'm afraid these days, most people ask themselves, you know, where does what kind of judge he is politically? And and that's a loss. And is it fixable? Is it reversible? It is very difficult to fix it. Once institutions lose their... It takes decades to build up authority and only a few months to lose it. And what about you as foreign minister, responsible for example of the appointment of ambassadors? What happens when a political party appoints ambassadors on a political party basis?

44:21Have you had to withdraw lots of them? So yes, I inherited more than 50 % of ambassadors who were not diplomats, who are party political ambassadors, plus some vacancies. So I'm trying to now make the foreign service professional again. And unfixing media reform as well? Same thing, yeah. I mean, the media, imagine the BBC taken over by Breitbart, literally. To give an example, because people sometimes don't quite believe it. So during the COVID pandemic, Donald Tusk, well, he was at that time president of the of EPP, addressed the congresses of various EPP parties. This is the European Conservative Group.

45:04That's right. Yeah. And among others, CDU. And being a good politician, he would always include a few sentences in the native language of that party. And so he said remotely, because this was during COVID, good luck in your deliberations, but think not only what's good for Germany, für Deutschland, but primarily what's good for Europe. And so what they did, they took these two words, für Deutschland, and they repeated it on main television news hundreds of times. Now, if you have this kind of bias, you cannot tolerate that. So we had to bring back professionalism to state media. What was going on with ownership of media and how about relationship with universities?

45:52I mean, how did that work during this populist period? Well, first of all, again, value what you have. The BBC, where facts are checked. You know, you might complain about slight bias this way or that way, but people don't outright invent stuff and they don't attack politicians in that kind of way, right? So yes, universities are also usually the first victim of populists because universities are autonomous and universities should and do. care about truth, about establishing facts, about free inquiry. And populists, by definition, don't like that. So can you give us an example, try to illustrate what was happening in the university so we can understand this?

46:33Well, we had an assault on freedom of debate under the heading that universities supposedly became, you know, the spiel, You know, uh, Hotbeds of left-wing activism. Yeah. And my view is, you know, lefties are also allowed to, should be allowed to function at universities, you know. You've got to go, we're at this, this, this conference where the star attractions are you, obviously, me, obviously, and later George Clooney, and you have to go and do a panel in a few minutes. But I just wanted to maybe close by bringing us back to, to Ukraine. You mentioned the drones recently, the drone attacks.

47:19And I quote you, another quote from a speech of yours, Poland has learned over 500 years that when the Russians threaten, you take it seriously. How alarmed, how scared are Poles about what's happening over in Ukraine? We think that if Putin succeeded in conquering Ukraine, we would be next. And it's happened before, which is why we've been spending a solid 2 % of GDP on defense for 20 years. and we are now spending 4.7 % of GDP. And the public are fine with that. They understand that and they get that. It's amusing when my colleague, the finance minister attends his meetings, his equivalents, asking, how do you manage to have such a huge...

48:00And he says, well, I'd be eviscerated if I didn't. You know, we will eat grass rather than become a Russian colony again. Final one for me, Europe. How can we imagine a more ambitious European security infrastructure, sovereignty, the UK re-engaging Norway, Switzerland, Turkey, the Western Balkans? How do we think about Europe taking the lead? Because clearly, there are some challenges from the US, there are challenges from China, but Europe doesn't seem to be stepping up. How do we get Europe to step up? It's a fundamental constitutional issue. Europe is a confederation. In other words, an organization in which ultimate sovereignty lies with the member states.

48:42And all historic confederations either became federations or cease to exist. And when you look at our competition, they all have unity of command. We don't. We have a synchronization problem, which is particularly acute, obviously, in the area of defense, because it's the core of sovereignty. This is a crisis in which I believe we should stick together because otherwise we'll be hanged separately, not only in the defence area, but particularly in the trade area. Do you think we should be moving towards, you know, when we say common defence and security policy, that is absolutely what we mean, common?

49:21We have it in theory under the Lisbon Treaty. But what I believe we need is not only a common policy to reinvigorate Europe's defence industries. I'm in favor of the European Union starting to have some defense capability of our own so that we don't have to call on the United States in every emergency. We should be capable of sorting out some warlord in Libya or the Balkans next time around. My final question, quite a big one. I want to ask you whether in our lifetime, you're a few years younger than I am, but we're both in our 60s. if in our lifetime Ukraine will be a member of NATO and the European Union?

50:07And how does that journey happen? And whether the UK will ever be back in the European Union? That I don't know, but I think Ukraine will become a member of the EU at the beginning of next decade. Okay, how? Well, it's already a candidate. We are already negotiating. But enlargement is really hard for those who are already candidates. It is, but Europe approved Ukraine's status as a candidate, and Europe unanimously agreed to start negotiations. And, you know, Hungary is blocking progress, but it'll happen eventually. And let me say one thing, that if Britain chooses to reapply to the European Union, I can trust you, I can promise you that whoever is in charge in Poland, we will vote in favor.

50:57Excellent. Good news. Just on that point a bit, so for Ukraine to get to that, though, Russia cannot be allowed to win. So how does that happen? Are you confident that the Americans and the other European countries are as committed to Ukraine as you are? Well, Ukraine is planning for a three-year war. And these colonial wars usually take about a decade. And I don't think Putin can sustain it for another three years. And we are about to supply Ukraine the means to resist for another three years out of the frozen Russian assets. Ukraine now makes almost half of its drones and cruise missiles in Ukraine.

51:37Putin has underperformed. We thought he had the world's second army and he thought there would be a coup, it would be a cakewalk, three-day operation. And more than 10 years, he's still fighting in Donbass. I would not call that a victory. Well, thank you. Thank you for your time. My pleasure. You've got about three minutes to get to the stage and talk to the Polish people. And George Clooney. And I don't think he's coming. I think he's only coming for his own event, I've been told. Anyway, thank you. It's been great. Thank you. Thank you so much. Really appreciate it. Bye-bye.

52:11So, Rory, your fellow Bullingdon Club member, he was even dressed like he was off to a bully club. He had his weekend Tory jacket on. But I'll tell you what, he's a very, very, very impressive guy, I think. I got the impression you were really sort of warming to him and won over by him. What was your sense of him? No, well, I've met him quite a few times before. I must admit, the first time I met him, I found him quite overbearing. And he wasn't in politics at the time, but he was so kind of putting the world to rights and he had the answers to everything. But what I thought about him there was just that he's clearly incredibly experienced now, very thoughtful and very clear.

52:49And I actually did find his backstory and his account of his own life. I got the sense of somebody quite special in terms of how his life had progressed and developed. And look, I always like these interviews when people are, you know, they don't come in and say, what are you going to ask? And there was none of that. It was like, you know, sit down, ask a question, and he gives you a straight answer. And I just found some of his historical perspective really, really interesting. Yeah. Yeah. The only thing I was surprised by, but I shouldn't have been surprised by, is that he wasn't more outspoken.

53:23I felt it took a little bit to draw him out, for example, on populism and nationalism in Poland. I think we asked a few questions on that, judiciary, universities, parties to get there. And I wonder, well, I suppose one thing, of course, that I'm reminded of is that he's a serving politician. And therefore, he is a little bit more cautious than a retired politician. But you see, I think all of these politicians at the moment, the panel I did this afternoon, I can talk about this stuff much more freely than a serving politician can because everybody knows that when you're talking about this, you're basically talking about Trump to some extent.

54:01You're talking about Trump's style of politics. What I felt when you were asking about universities and the media, I kind of felt a quite visceral contempt in him for the populist politicians in Poland. I felt that quite strongly. So it's interesting, you picked up the sense that he was actually quite mild. I felt, it's interesting that maybe that's just by being in the room. I could sort of see the cheek muscles going and I could see him getting quite wound up. Well, I suppose encourage listeners to listen to our leading interview with his wife, Anne Applebaum, because she is so ferocious. Oh yeah.

54:36And she will provide, off the top of her head, 20 outrageous examples of disgusting, corrupt, horrendous behaviour by that Polish government. And obviously, they lived together, they went through this together. So I was expecting that it would be that amped up. And of course, it's much less than Anne produces now. The other one, I would have liked if we'd had more time to bring Poland alive more in the 1980s. I wanted a sense of how that government worked. There's something quite interesting, I guess, about the fact that quite a lot of the people supporting the populist nationalist parties in Poland were often people who regret the collapse of the old system and maybe are nostalgic for what existed before in the 1980s and how those governments worked.

55:26I think he's written a book about all that as well. I mean, maybe he just, I've got a feeling that was one of the books he wrote was kind of addressing exactly that we should check it out and put in the put it in the notes or send it to you to read but I'll tell you the other thing it was interesting when you asked him at the end sort of what's it like being a minister just to give you a sense of what what his day's been like today so they've been at this like huge reset they've actually renamed their party today to take account of some of the the changes that have happened they've had a big kind of policy debate there and meanwhile as he alluded to the the opposition have had this big conference as well so he sort of arrives here from that he kind of disappeared into the gents for about two minutes to you know do whatever you do in the gents when you've just been stuck in a conference forever he then came in here for a meeting with the local mayor um and had that then sat down with us for an hour and has literally kind of walked out of this room down the corridor and into a a full you know he's going to be grilled on stage by God knows who in front of a big live audience.

56:27And then we'll be, I presume, sort of heading off north to home. So, you know, you always do get so much more if you sort of see, if you're talking to them in the flesh, because just the way he kind of operated, watching him just for a bit of today, I think he's a much more impressive politician than I thought he would have been when I knew him when he wasn't a politician. I felt back then that he was one of those very, very clever commentators who like to sort of throw stones from the outside but my sense is actually and interestingly talking to people around here today and this conference is quite kind of liberal so the journalist who i just did an interview with said you know do you spend all your life in liberal bubbles like this and and and actually he's so he's not kind of you know not on my side of the political fence as it were but i've got the sense that he's actually quite popular and respected as a political figure.

57:20And so whether he eventually wants to go for the top job or have another go at being president, I don't know. But no, I found it. I was impressed. I was impressed. Good. Well, thank you, Alistair, very much. See you soon. Thank you. Bye-bye.

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From the publisher

What was it like for Radek Sikorski to be a refugee in the UK from communist Poland in the 80s? How will the war in Ukraine come to an end? Why is populism on the rise in Europe and how do we fight it?

Rory and Alastair are joined by Radek Sikorski, Polish Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, to answer all this and more. 

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