In short
Podcast Notes: The Rest Is Politics - Episode 170
Title
President of Moldova, Maia Sandu: Holding the Line Between Democracy and Putin
Hosts
- Alastair Campbell
- Rory Stewart
Guest
- Maia Sandu, President of Moldova
Podcast Overview In this episode, hosts Alastair Campbell and Rory Stewart interview Maia Sandu, President of Moldova, discussing the political landscape of Moldova, the challenges of Russian influence, and the country's aspirations for EU integration.
Episode Highlights
Introduction to Moldova
- Significance of Moldova: A small, landlocked country formerly part of the Soviet Union, now navigating a complex geopolitical landscape.
- Russian Influence: Moldova's political stability is challenged by significant Russian interference, including disinformation campaigns and economic pressure.
Maia Sandu's Background
- Childhood: Sandu discusses her upbringing under Soviet rule and the struggles Moldova faced during its transition to independence in the early 1990s.
- Political Landscape: She recounts the difficulties of building a nation from scratch and the economic hardships that followed the dissolution of the Soviet Union.
National Identity and EU Integration
- Cultural Identity: The struggle between Romanian and Russian influences in Moldova's cultural identity is a recurring theme.
- EU Aspirations: Sandu emphasizes Moldova's commitment to EU integration, viewing it as vital for preserving democracy and sovereignty.
Russian Hybrid Warfare
- Disinformation Tactics: Sandu describes the extensive use of misinformation and manipulation by Russia to destabilize Moldova.
- Election Interference: Discussion of Russia's attempts to influence elections through monetary means and cyberattacks.
Military and Territorial Integrity
- Transnistria Issue: The presence of Russian troops in the breakaway region of Transnistria poses an ongoing challenge to Moldova's sovereignty.
Anti-Corruption Efforts
- Corruption in Politics: Sandu highlights the systemic corruption in Moldova's political landscape and her administration's commitment to reform.
- Challenges: Addressing corruption is vital for building public trust and enhancing the business environment.
International Relations
- Support from the West: Sandu expresses gratitude for support from the UK, EU, and US in enhancing Moldova’s cybersecurity and combating disinformation.
- Cautious Optimism: Despite challenges, there is hope that Western nations will recognize Moldova's strategic importance and potential as an ally against Russian aggression.
Key Quotes
- On Identity: "There is a majority of people who support the EU integration. This is what we are pursuing because this is a more realistic objective."
- On Russian Influence: "Russia just wants to harass a country... they want to control power in Moldova to use it against Ukraine and Europe."
- On Anti-Corruption: "You want people to trust the state. If you want them to trust this country, you need to make sure that there is justice."
Discussion Points
- Democracy Under Threat: The episode emphasizes the precarious state of democracy in Moldova amid external pressures.
- Resilience in Leadership: Maia Sandu's approach to governance reflects resilience and a commitment to democratic ideals, positioning her as a pivotal figure in Eastern European politics.
Conclusion This episode provides valuable insights into the complexities facing Moldova as it contends with historical legacies, external threats, and aspirations for a more democratic future within Europe. It highlights the importance of vigilance in political leadership and the impact of global geopolitics on national sovereignty.
Written by AI. May contain mistakes. Listen to the episode to check what was said.
Chapters
Tap a time to open that second in VOSetting the Stage in Moldova
0:45 to 1:46
Discussion on Moldova's significance and its historical context.
“And this is a small, landlocked, pretty poor country, and yet is of huge significance for lots of different reasons.”
Childhood and Education in Soviet Moldova
1:46 to 3:00
President Maia Sandu shares her childhood experiences in Moldova.
“Madame President, if we can begin just a little bit for listeners, tell us a little bit about your childhood and where you grew up and who your parents were and which part of Moldova you came from.”
Moldova's Transition to Independence
3:00 to 5:50
Exploration of Moldova's identity and political choices post-independence.
“On the other hand, the transition from the planned economy to the market economy proved to be extremely difficult.”
Language and National Identity
5:50 to 8:00
Importance of language in shaping Moldova's national identity and politics.
“Was it going to be a place that would remain close to the Soviet Union?”
Understanding Putin's Worldview
8:00 to 11:00
Insights into Vladimir Putin's personality and his impact on Moldova.
“But as the president of Moldova, I do understand, looking at the polls, that there is not a majority of people today who would support the unification of Moldova with Romania.”
Moldova's Energy Independence
11:00 to 14:05
Moldova's shift away from Russian energy dependence and future plans.
“to make us not speak our native language.”
Moldova's Energy Independence from Russia
14:05 to 15:15
Learn about Moldova's shift from Russian gas dependency to energy independence.
“they would impose some bans on Moldovan experts, despite the fact that we have a free trade regime.”
Challenges of Election Integrity
15:15 to 16:56
Discover the psychological and political impacts of Russian interference in Moldova's elections.
“And I'm talking about remittances because remittances are still important.”
Russia's Hybrid Warfare Tactics
16:56 to 19:53
Understand the various tactics Russia employs to destabilize Moldova.
“And then of course, long term, Russia has bigger objectives because it's not just about controlling Moldova.”
Countering Illicit Financing and Cyber Threats
19:53 to 22:23
Explore Moldova's strategies to combat illicit financing and cyber threats from Russia.
“So you can imagine, like, in the referendum in 2024, we estimated that Russia's interference in our referendum was 1 % of our GDP.”
Show all 31 chapters
Adjusting Legislation for Election Security
22:23 to 25:30
Learn how Moldova is adapting its laws to better protect against electoral interference.
“On cybersecurity, for instance, you need to invest a lot.”
The Role of Social Platforms in Politics
25:30 to 28:00
Understand the impact of social media on political discourse and interference.
“It's probably more difficult for them to fund political parties because your institutions are stronger, but you still have to be careful.”
Freedom of Expression and Social Media Challenges
28:00 to 29:25
Explore the impact of social media on freedom of expression and democracy.
“But that's, you know, a little bit more difficult because you get into this discussion of freedom of expression.”
Russia's Threat to European Stability
29:25 to 30:54
Understand the implications of Russia's actions in Europe and its influence on Moldova.
“Yes, it's not easy to identify who are there.”
Becoming a Politician: Maia Sandu's Journey
30:54 to 32:57
Learn about Maia Sandu's unexpected path to politics and her commitment to integrity.
“But I do believe that many people underestimate what Russia is doing and the damage it can bring to our democracies.”
Building a Political Party from Scratch
32:57 to 35:14
Discover the challenges and strategies of founding a political party in Moldova.
“I became a civil servant immediately after the university, because this were the first year of Moldova's independence.”
Combating Corruption in Moldova
35:14 to 37:35
Examine the importance of addressing corruption for economic growth and state trust.
“Yes, today we also have a very good minister of education, so I can't say that I'm the only one.”
The Role of Oligarchs in Moldovan Politics
37:35 to 39:33
Uncover the influence of oligarchs on Moldova's political landscape and justice system.
“And then when they get into power, of course, this would extend the state institutions level.”
The Impact of Corruption on Moldova's Population
39:33 to 42:00
Learn about the consequences of corruption on citizens and the business environment.
“decent salary for people to to afford to work for the government.”
Addressing Corruption in Moldova
42:00 to 43:12
Learn about the systemic corruption issues in Moldova and the fight against it.
“with the business environment and you can't have a proper business environment if justice doesn't work properly.”
Concerns Over Global Power Dynamics
43:12 to 44:28
Explore the implications of global power shifts on smaller nations like Moldova.
“Why the West does not extract the oligarch for us to recover our democracy?”
The Situation in Transnistria
44:28 to 46:58
Understand the complexities surrounding Transnistria and its impact on Moldova.
“And that's why I'm skeptical about the peace plans.”
Moldova's Path to EU Integration
46:58 to 49:42
Discuss the challenges and strategies for Moldova's potential EU membership.
“We have peace for a long time now, but the Russians are keeping their army there.”
The Importance of EU Support
49:42 to 51:09
Learn about the critical role of EU support in Moldova's future and stability.
“I know the commission is working very constructively and is making very positive noises about Moldova joining the EU.”
Selling Moldova as a Tourist Destination
51:09 to 53:04
Discover the unique attractions and wines that make Moldova an appealing destination.
“as our ally, as our friend, and one day we will become part of this big family.”
Navigating Political Challenges
53:04 to 55:44
Insight into the resilience needed in politics and engaging with diverse perspectives.
“You just come and then you can get lost in some of these.”
Addressing LGBT Rights and Conservatism in Moldova
56:00 to 57:00
Learn how Moldova's political landscape requires balancing LGBT rights with conservative sentiments.
“also not some narrow messages for different stakeholders.”
Rory's Impressions of President Sandu
57:00 to 59:20
Discover Rory's insights on President Sandu's personality and leadership qualities.
“Well, I really liked her I think she's incredibly impressive.”
Combating Corruption in Moldova
59:20 to 1:02:20
Explore President Sandu's approach to tackling corruption in a challenging political environment.
“It's almost as though if the person at the top genuinely is honest and genuinely cares about it, it's remarkable what she can do.”
The Stakes of Politics in Moldova vs. the UK
1:02:20 to 1:05:40
Understand the different political stakes faced by leaders in Moldova compared to the UK.
“But her last answer to you about what it's like being a politician, she talked about how tough it was.”
AI Discussion and Its Implications
1:05:40 to 1:07:37
Learn about the urgent challenges and opportunities presented by artificial intelligence.
“And I think you're fully vindicated in selecting her as your politician of the year.”
Transcript
Automatic transcript. May contain errors.0:00Thanks for listening to The Rest is Politics. Sign up to The Rest is Politics. Plus, to enjoy ad-free listening, receive a weekly newsletter, join our members chatroom and gain early access to live show tickets. Just go to therestispolitics.com. That's therestispolitics.com.
0:19Welcome to The Rest Is Politics Leading with me, Rory Stewart. And me, Alistair Campbell. And we're in the wonderful office of the President of Moldova, but you will also see that there's a lovely clock in the office. So people listening carefully will hear some chimes during the course of our interview. Moldova was part of the Soviet Union and is now on a path to possible membership of the European Union. Quite a story for that alone. And we are with the president, Maya Sandhu. And this is a small, landlocked, pretty poor country, and yet is of huge significance for lots of different reasons.
0:56A very, very special interest to a man named Vladimir Putin, who spent a lot of money trying to stop Maya Sandhu being re-elected as president. And also a country that's trying to forge a new path, very pro-Ukraine, very pro-EU, very anti-corruption, very anti-Putin's Russia. And Rory and I, when we interviewed Radek Sikorsky, the Deputy Prime Minister of Poland recently, He said that he felt that our part of Europe, the Western part of Europe, wasn't remotely fixed enough on the threat to our democracy. And you've spoken a lot, Madam President, about the threat to your democracy. There's an awful lot to talk about.
1:35But first of all, thank you for welcoming us to somewhere that is today three degrees warmer than Scotland was yesterday, where we were 24 hours ago. Well, thank you for the invitation and welcome to Moldova. Madame President, if we can begin just a little bit for listeners, tell us a little bit about your childhood and where you grew up and who your parents were and which part of Moldova you came from. Well, we don't like to be, you know, presented as a former Soviet Union republic, but I have to admit it that I was born in the Soviet Union. And I was 19 when the Soviet Union finally dissolved, failed.
2:13But of course, my childhood was influenced by the regime that I lived in. And I didn't know a different life because, you know, you just knew what they would show you on TV. So I was very happy with the rest of the people when we finally regained our independence and then the borders have opened. But the next period proved to be extremely difficult for the country and for the people. I was a student at the university in Kisinau and it was economically extremely difficult. and the Moldovan transition period was very, very tough. On one hand, we had to build the state from scratch. We didn't have the institutional memory of what it was to run a country and a state.
3:04On the other hand, the transition from the planned economy to the market economy proved to be extremely difficult. Moldova was a small economy, but it was fully integrated into the Soviet Union economy so then overnight everything collapsed and then of course overnight the energy resources became very expensive while the Moldovan tomatoes and grapes and agriculture because this is what mostly Moldova was producing you know was cheap as before and then part of Moldova's industry was based on the military industry of US and which, again, was cut. It partially collapsed in Russia, but even for those enterprises which did not collapse, you could not have the same cooperation.
3:58So I actually moved to the transition period. I don't know what can I say. Of course, when you're a child, everything is nice, despite the fact that at some point you do understand that your parents are working very hard. Were your parents political? No. Not at all? Well, they were political in a sense that everybody had to be political, but that was not real politics. This was Communist Party, and everybody had to go. My mom was a teacher. She had to go every Monday to a meeting, and you didn't have to be a member of the Communist Party, but you had to go to a propaganda meeting, which would take several hours.
4:42And instead of, you know, spending time with us, with children. And when she came home, when she came home and talked about that, she wouldn't talk about it? No, she would not talk. She would just be upset that she had to waste her time. But of course, the promotion, I mean, the career promotion and everything depended on how the political party would see you. But what I could see when I was a child was that even though my parents were working hard, we were as poor as those who were not working hard and especially since I was born in a village there was the collective farm and then I could see that almost half of the village or even more they would just go in the field and take whatever they wanted and of course this was illegal but almost no one got punished and we would not do that because my parents would tell me that this is stealing and you cannot do that so you could you could feel it that you know some people are working hard, some are not, but we are, all of us, are equally poor.
5:42In this moment of transition, Moldova, as it became independent, faced a whole series of very interesting choices. What kind of place it's going to be? Was it going to be a place that would remain close to the Soviet Union? Would it remain close to Europe? Would it remain close to Romania? And all these questions of identity, I mean, there were changes of constitution, changes of flag. Tell us a little bit about how over that 30-year period Moldova defined what its new national identity was. So of course the fight at the end of the 80s and beginning of 90s was about the national values. I was born in a village and because of that I could speak Romanian at home and in the school but in Chisinau and in many other places people had hard times speaking their native language because of course there was a very aggressive propaganda and and not only propaganda to replace the native the romanian language with with russian so at the end of the 80s when you know it was the the regime was not as strong as before um we we had this national movement which brought to brought us to the independence and of course uh there were discussions of the reunification with Romania because Moldova was part of Romania before.
7:05But then we, of course, we can't say, we don't know how many people would have supported the unification with Romania because we didn't have a referendum. But many people, like if you judge by the number of people who joined the movement, we had this international square. where we had hundreds of thousands of people who would come. So you could sense that there was support for the unification with Romania. Do you support that? If we have a referendum, I would vote for the unification with Romania. Why? Look at what's happening around Moldova today. Look at what's happening in the world. it is getting more and more difficult for a small country like Moldova to survive as a democracy, as a sovereign country.
7:58And of course, to resist Russia. But as the president of Moldova, I do understand, looking at the polls, that there is not a majority of people today who would support the unification of Moldova with Romania. But there is a majority of people who support the EU integration. And this is what we are pursuing because this is a more realistic objective. And it does help us, again, to survive as a democracy. So you were educated under a Soviet system. What is the experience of a Moldovan child today in the school compared with the experience that you had? What are you taught that's different? Of course, it's very different.
8:39I mean, the history of this country and in general, the history, you can imagine what they were teaching us during the Soviet times. The fact that even our language was called Moldovan, not Romanian, even though it is Romanian, there are no differences between what people speak in Mokrest or what people speak here. so it's it was heavy propaganda uh i do remember a lot of uh talks on tv about u.s and the west getting ready to attack us so yes my childhood was uh i mean i i did have this fear and it was not just me it was you know even my parents or other people they they would believe that the work can happen because this is what they they would tell us it's a totally different situation today i mean our kids can can read whatever they want and of course we have a different history textbooks and it's interesting you've twice mentioned language and we interviewed the former foreign minister of ukraine not long ago who was very interesting on the sense of the importance to russia of the russian language and and as a tool of its power elsewhere as well and likewise angela merkel when we spoke to her i know she's been a great supporter of of you and moldova she was saying that it kind of she felt it helped her understanding of russia that she spoke spoke russian i just wonder if from your russian speaking perspective whether you agree with that that language gives you that better insight and if so what your basic insight is into the Russian mindset and why Russia does appear so fixated upon expansion well of course it's not bad to speak Russian and and to understand better what Russia wants and and not only you can read the great Russian writers.
10:43I mean, if you want to read an original, but you know, I also speak English and nobody imposed it on me. And it was a totally different story with the Russian language because it was not the problem that we had to learn Russian. The problem was that they were trying to make us not speak our native language. And I am proud of us, I mean, of our nation, because despite the fact that in the last 200 years, we've been on the Russians for almost 150, if I'm not wrong, we've managed to preserve the Romanian language. You know, when you impose it, and when you're trying to kill the Romanian language, the Ukrainian language, and so on, then of course, you'll get this reaction from people.
11:30But it's more than that. It's about, you know, what Russia means and what Russia meant even before it's not about freedom it's not about dignity it's not about the human rights it's everything that's the the opposition of that so that's why we want to be part of Europe and that's why we the the parents now choosing for their kids to to learn English and French and German and Spanish or Italian because they can choose today. They can choose for their kids to study Russian or another foreign language. But it's about what Russia is bringing to Moldova and we have a pretty bad experience. Can you give us a sense of Vladimir Putin's personality?
12:19What do you think maybe listeners in the United States or the United Kingdom or Australia don't completely understand about what Vladimir Putin's worldview is? I haven't met him, so I would not, I can't claim that, you know, I know something that other people don't know. But we can judge him and his regime based on their actions. And we have the experience of Moldova. Of course, we have a long experience and it's not a good one. But when we got to power, when the new parliament was elected back in 2021, we sent our messages to Russia and we said we want to have a normal relationship, a decent relationship.
13:03We believe in Moldova's EU integration path and we're going to work hard for that. But we do want to have good trade relations with Russia. You know, we have a number of Russian speaking population in Moldova. We respect their rights. We want to build a country where everybody feels safe and respected and so on. And then just one month later, they just cut the gas supply. They told us before that we will continue with the contract. And at that time, although we didn't have any other alternatives, and for two months they supplied us just 30 % of our needs. And this was in the fall. So the winter was coming.
13:42And this was 2021, the fall of 2021, when the energy prices and the gas price started to grow significantly. And this is the blackmail that I experienced myself while being in this office. And I know that this has happened before. And then if you look at the trade relations, every time Russia doesn't like something about the policies of the Moldovan government, they would impose some bans on Moldovan experts, despite the fact that we have a free trade regime. and many things like that. But I have to say that we've learned our lesson and things have changed significantly. Today, Moldova does not consume any Russian gas with the exception of the Transnistrian region, which is a different story.
14:25Again, in 2021, we were 100 % dependent on Russian gas. We are going to finish in the next few weeks a big project which connects us with the electricity grid of Romania, of the EU. Some 10-15 years ago, more than 50 % of our experts would go to Russia. Today, only 4 % of our experts go to Russia. Some 10 years ago, 50 % of the Moldovan diaspora would go to work in Russia. Thus, 50 % of the remittances were also coming from Russia. Today, this number is very small. It's probably less than 100 ,000 people. and the remittances even before the war accounted for 11 % of the total remittances. Now this is even smaller.
15:15And I'm talking about remittances because remittances are still important. They are about 13 % of the GDP and in the past there were even 30 % of GDP. So we actually have done a lot because we know that Russia is not interested in having good relations, in having trade relations, in supplying gas and getting money for that. Russia just wants to harass a country, to put it this way. Just talking of harassment, I mentioned in the introduction about the presidential campaign and the efforts of destabilization and sabotage and trying to stop people going to the vote and all the sort of stuff that went on and disinformation, really personal stuff about you that went very very far and wide up to and including stories about you paying three hundred thousand dollars to get a sperm donation from elton john it's a crazy stuff but i just wonder what it's like being on the receiving end of that as you said earlier when in relation to why you thought maybe moldova should reunite with romania really small country you've got six thousand a military of six thousand and you've got this giant over there that is trying putting so much into stopping you from being elected.
16:30I just wonder what psychologically that was like and how you as a country dealt with that. Well, it was not about me, of course. It was about Moldova's EU integration. It was about Russia losing its influence in Moldova. It was not about me. It could have been anybody, I mean, anyone else there. So this is how I say it. I don't say it about me. So it's about the country and we have to do everything we can to keep Moldova sovereign because what Russia wants to do is to decide on our behalf and to use Moldova. Now they wanted to control power in Moldova to use Moldova against Ukraine, first of all, and you can imagine how problematic this would have been for Ukraine, but of course for Moldova also, but also for the EU, for the countries in the region.
17:17And then of course, long term, Russia has bigger objectives because it's not just about controlling Moldova. Moldova is a small country. We don't have, I don't know, like something that would be very valuable. It's about controlling Moldova to target then Europe, the wider Europe and other countries in the region. So before Russia could influence Moldova boycotting gas. Now they can't do it anymore. It's more difficult for them. So they have to employ this whole range of hybrid war, which means, in our case, disinformation, manipulation of information, illicit financing of political parties. And this is a very difficult issue for us because now they're using more and more cryptocurrency.
18:09And again, Moldova is a country which does not have very strong institutions, but still we could deal. We managed to prevent this this time. They were trying to bribe voters. they used the cyber attacks and it was very very intense especially the the few days before the elections but especially the day of the election the paid protests because Russia's strategy in Moldova has been and it's probably not just Moldova is to divide the society is to promote the narrative that the state is weak, your authorities cannot deliver or they are corrupt and so on. And that's why the false information about me and that your institutions are weak and there is no one to defend you.
18:59So if you want to live in peace, and of course, everybody is scared of the war because you have a war in Ukraine and we see what it means for the people. And then the message is, you cannot rely on your state, you cannot rely on your government. So you should not upset Russia, you should not vote for people who do not get along with Putin, because we are the only ones to, you know, to provide peace. Just to develop a little bit more, the mechanics of this, are we to understand then that Putin basically has an office or intelligence agents who have a job of focusing on Moldova? Yes, and they have the budget, and the budget has been increasing significantly.
19:42We believe that last year at the parliamentary elections, they spent at least 300 million euros. And compared to how much did you spend? Well, I mean, of course, we spend very, I mean, we have a GDP of 20 billion. So you can imagine, like, in the referendum in 2024, we estimated that Russia's interference in our referendum was 1 % of our GDP. So they're spending a few hundred million, and you're spending a few hundred thousand or a few million at most. How is it possible to stop that if people are spending 100 times more than you? This is why I saw that the illicit funding is a very difficult issue for us to deal with, especially since we are a small country.
20:30What we have done after the experience we had with the referendum in 2024, we put together a team. You need to have a lot of institutions working together, for instance, on the illicit funding. So you need to have a strategic center which has the helicopter view and coordinate the activities of all the institutions because you need the work of the anti-money laundering institution, you need the work of the anti-corruption institutions, the intelligence, the tax inspectorate, because they also have their roles in checking on financing of political parties. And does Moldova itself have the infrastructure?
21:09Do you have to rely on Americans, Brits, Germans? So we did have support, but the coordination was here. And this is what we really improved significantly last year after the experience we had with the referendum. Because again, just the tax inspectorate might not have all the information that they need from the intelligence and so on. So what we had, we had a team in the government, which was like a strategic coordination unit. And they met on a weekly basis and they met like a year before the elections. and they would just follow on all the actions that Russia was trying to do. And they would identify the networks for illicit financing and so on.
21:51But even with these coordinating activities, it is difficult, as I said, because the head of the anti-money laundering agency was telling that even if you and Moldova does meet all the money ball requirements, you're still not prepared for what Russia is doing today. So you need to meet even higher standards. And that's not easy for a country like Moldova. We did have support from Great Britain and we're very grateful. We did have support from EU. We did have support from US. But it's been very, very tough. On cybersecurity, for instance, you need to invest a lot. We discovered a few months before the elections that we had a big issue.
22:31And the risk was not that Russia would interfere with the voting because you still have the votes on paper, but Moldova has an electronic system. And then people are used that they will see the results of the elections one hour after because it's done really properly and very quickly. And Russia wanted to interfere with this system. And imagine that if Russia interferes, and then they show some wrong results, and then you go back and say, no, this is wrong. The papers show something different. Who's going to believe you? So Russia was not just about interfering. It was about discrediting the institutions, the process of making Moldovans not trust, as I said, the results.
23:16You must feel very lonely. Are countries like Britain doing anything to help you? No, I don't feel lonely. We have great friends and Great Britain has been supporting us a lot, especially in the last few years, especially last year. We got lots of support on cyber security. We've got support to deal with the disinformation for our Stratcom. I really felt the support. I'm very grateful to the Prime Minister Starmer. You're sitting in front of the Moldovan and the European flags. And I just wondered, Rory will forgive me this as an obsession, but I'm still of the view that Russia got pretty deeply involved in our referendum.
23:57From your experience sitting here in Moldova, small country compared to Britain, do you buy the line from people like Boris Johnson and others that the Russians had no impact upon our referendum whatsoever? I don't have proof, but knowing the Russians and judging by what has happened after, I do believe that there is a high probability that they have interfered. And I think that the problem is that, at least from my knowledge, there was not enough effort after that to look into it. Of course, you don't change the results after that. That's why it's so important to act during the process. For instance, what we had to do after the referendum, but before the parliamentary elections, we had to change legislation to make sure that judges had to look into this illicit funding, not in four years, but in several days.
24:52Because if there is illegal financing of political campaigns but then justice comes and uh you know takes a decision three years from from now i mean from the moment it happens then you know you you can't save your democracy so we had to you know we had to make some changes it was not easy because you have to go and explain it to the venice commission to the european commission and so on but you have to act and and adjust to the new threats quickly because otherwise if you go by the old rules you just lose your sovereignty and you lose your democracy yeah if they're going to put hundreds of millions of euros into an election and a referendum in Moldova I imagine that getting Britain out of the European Union was an even bigger strategic goal at the time well in your case of course it's almost impossible for them to try to bribe voters as they did in Moldova they they identified the poorest people and that they tried to bribe some of the voters.
25:54It's probably more difficult for them to fund political parties because your institutions are stronger, but you still have to be careful. But it's much easier for them. You pay a lot of money for tennis matches. It's much easier for them to spend money and to influence elections with the manipulation of information and disinformation. And that's more difficult for the people to see, to notice. So, in the case of Moldova, I did warn people about what Russia was trying to do, and this helped. But also it helped because, well, it helped on one hand, because Russia's interference has been brutal and it was easier for people to see.
26:29In the case of your country and other democratic countries, the interference is not that brutal. It's more difficult for people to see. And that's why it's easier for Russia to manipulate. This is a huge now geopolitical problem because we see it in the controversies around Romania and what they did with the presidential election there. There are controversies around what the German government is trying to do with what the constitutional court sees as far-right groups in Germany. And so there's movements in the United States saying Europe does not believe in free speech, and they see the movements in Romania and Germany to try to deal with extremist parties or broken elections as hypocrisy.
27:15How do we explain that how democracies protect themselves without their critics being able to say, this is not fair, you're discriminating against this party or you're discriminating against this candidate? What we have seen in Romania, and then we also had the experience in Moldova, is lots of non-authentic accounts. And then the amplification through these non-authentic accounts. And I don't believe that these non-authentic fake accounts are about the freedom of expression. Yes, I do believe that there are people who have different views who might want, you know, Moldova to be with Russia. If this is authentic, this is one thing.
27:55But then and even that might be manipulated because there has been so much anti-EU propaganda, anti-NATO propaganda and, you know, stuff like that. But that's, you know, a little bit more difficult because you get into this discussion of freedom of expression. But when you have, like, because this is what happened in Romania, you had this very, very many non-authentic accounts and amplification of this fake information through these accounts, like in the last two weeks before the election. So even if the institutions, you know, probably they could have done a better job, but it was really difficult to do a much better job when it happens in such a short period of time.
28:36So this is the discussion with the social platforms, because, of course, there is a lot of positive. And I established the political party here when we had no financial resources at all and we had no access to TV and we used Facebook and other social platforms. But at the same time, there is a pretty big damage and risk, which is coming now from the social platforms. And we need to have this discussion. But you have people now in America, both people running social media platforms and people on the right of American politics, saying this is evidence that Europe doesn't believe in free speech. It's not an easy discussion.
29:16But again, we want people to have free speech, not those who are behind this non-authentic accounts. Yes, it's not easy to identify who are there. I mean, we've done that, but it takes a couple of months for our institutions to identify that Russia is behind the Russian money is behind this specific, you know, group of non-authentic accounts. So the social platforms should take responsibility for that. It's not, you know, there is danger for democracy and everybody needs to understand that. And do you agree with the point that Radek Sikorsky made to us when we spoke to him a few weeks ago, that our part of Europe is not taking this seriously enough?
30:04Do you feel that? I do agree. As I said, in all parts of the world, Russia's interference has been obvious, and we have felt it again and again. It's been more brutal. So it's easier both for the government, but also for the people to see it. how people might be more afraid of Russia. And if you ask me about my role, what I've been trying to do is to encourage people not to be afraid and to choose what's right for them and for their kids. But otherwise, it was really a whole of society response because this is how people felt it, that Russia was interfering with our sovereignty, with our decision.
30:44In the Western Europe, I think, again, people see Russia far. They do support Ukraine and we're very grateful for that. But I do believe that many people underestimate what Russia is doing and the damage it can bring to our democracies.
31:06So there are some people in the US who are saying at the moment, listen, Russia is not really a threat. Let it have what it wants in Ukraine and then Putin will stop. He's not really interested in the Baltic. He's not really interested in the Caucasus. This is enough for him. What do you say to this? Well, Russia's imperialism is a reality. And of course, their minimum scenario is the former Soviet Union. They have never accepted the fact that Soviet Union ceased to exist at some point. And we are an example that even with Eltsin in power, they continued with the Transnistian conflict. And this was just one of the conflicts on the territory of former Soviet Union republics because they hoped, they always hoped that they will get back.
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32:00And this is just one instrument for them to influence us and to keep us from moving forward. So this is the base case scenario. But as I said, it's not only about Moldova. Moldova is not something very valuable to Russia. Moldova is just a testing ground and is a place which can be a land that can be used by Russia to move forward. Europe is the target Russia wants to control Europe. A lot of the people we spoke to preparing for this said that you were something of a reluctant politician and not in many ways a natural politician, quite shy and quite reserved and very protective of your own life and so forth.
32:44And yet, as you just said in your last answer but one, you literally started the political party from scratch. and we were talking to some of the people who were involved in the ground floor of that said it was it was literally like a startup just you and two or three people and then you built it very very quickly into a very successful political party you know i'm fascinated as to how you went about that how you did that and the other thing that everybody has said about you is that they keep saying you're utterly incorruptible how do you remain incorruptible within what was a corrupt political system i mean if you're an honest person, you are an honest person, no matter whether you're in politics, or you, you know, in business, or, but to get back to the first question, I've never planned to become a politician.
33:30I became a civil servant immediately after the university, because this were the first year of Moldova's independence. And this is when we were establishing estates. And people like me from the universities were invited to go to the ministries, because we had to start from scratch. It was interesting, but also at some point disappointing because we've seen the reforms fail again and again. So I had a pretty long experience as a civil servant. I've seen politicians and leaders of ministries of the government and of the country. Some of them were stupid. Some of them are corrupt. So I was getting pretty disappointed.
34:09At some point, I got this proposal to become the Minister of Education. And I was ready for a professional challenge. And I also, I didn't see it as a political position. I just thought, I'll go there, I'll do the reforms, I'll do what's right, and then that's it. And three years, I built a team there and we started to do some important reforms in education. And then we discovered that the rest of the government or many people in the ruling parties were actually involved in a massive banking sector fraud. This was the biggest corruption scheme, 12 % of GDP. And that's when I, of course, I left the government.
34:57And this happened while I was fighting corruption in the education sector, because we also had cheating at the exam. And I undertook, together with my colleagues. You were the only education minister ever to celebrate declining results. Yes, today we also have a very good minister of education, so I can't say that I'm the only one. And then, of course, it was very disappointing because on one hand, you could see that if you work hard, if you do the right thing, you can achieve some results. But then the rest of the country, while the leadership was saying that they were doing the EU integration and we just got the free trade regime and the visa regime and then you have this discovery that everything's going wrong so you know i i had a choice i either leave the country or i try to do politics differently because all the political parties in power or which had some support before they were led by corrupt people you don't want to pay taxes in a country so how did they react when you started a party?
36:02They didn't take me seriously and this was good because otherwise I would have not succeeded. So they just thought they thought for themselves that this is a bunch of kids who have no money, who have no political experience. You know, they will play a bit politics and then they will leave. And so we decided to create a political party. We didn't know what this was about. So we went to trainings to NDI and IRI and some other international institutions which were providing trainings to everyone. I mean all the political parties and then we announced that we went to create a political party actually people were looking for new political forces and then we told people we need because we needed to have a lot of members now we've changed the law we needed to have members in all the regions and so on and then we announced that if you want us to create a political party please come and help us and then people started to come and it was mostly old people and young people because they were not afraid of the regime because the pensioners said that they had nothing to lose.
37:03The regime was becoming really authoritarian. So it was an oligarch in power. He was corrupt, the guy, but the regime also. And they were very authoritarian. So like people who had businesses, they would be afraid to help us. People who work in state institutions, they would be afraid. But you have young people, you had young people, and then you had the pensioners. And this is how we started with the political party. and we had no money so i went public and i said we need your contributions if you want to have clean politics and moldovans were not aware of how political parties were being financed because there was not such a discussion and of course all the political parties were financed with dirty money and corruption was starting from the moment i mean the the political parties how the political parties would finance themselves.
37:54And then when they get into power, of course, this would extend the state institutions level. So when I said, we need your small donations, some people would say, you want to become a politician and you want us to pay for? So it was really in the polls, only 4 % of people, when we started that would say that they are ready to finance, to make contributions, 4 % of the people. So we had to teach people that this is how political party functions. So like for four years, we had just one employee in the political party who got a small salary and the rest of us were just doing full time voluntary work.
38:34I was lucky to have some savings from the time I worked at the World Bank, but it hasn't been easy. And now you're probably the lowest paid president in the world, I think. Well, I haven't looked at the statistics. I have a salary which is about 1000 euro per month and it's not just me who is the prime minister is the speaker of the parliament why is that because the law on salaries was developed by a previous government back in 2019 and when they did the scales and so on they would not for them they would have just some symbolic salaries not because they believe they deserve symbolic salaries but because of the corruption they had this envelope salaries so when we came to power it was an unpopular move to correct the law and this is how we ended up but we had to increase the salaries for the ministers and for the state secretaries because you know you need to have a decent salary for people to to afford to work for the government.
39:36Madam President you talk about these oligarchs but it's difficult for people to envisage I think who people like Plahao Ilanshaw are? I mean, what are their histories? What kind of, what does it mean to be an onagak in that sense? Well, these are people who had money at some point, and this money was not necessarily made in legal ways, but like this is the primitive accumulation of capital, to put it this way, when you make the transition from the planned economy to, and then these people at some point, they wanted to have more and they wanted to control power. And then they didn't control only power they started to control justice and they literally captured the state and and that's why we have such big issues now reforming justice and reforming our institution other institutions but especially justice because they just captured all the institutions and there were no checks and balances and you know the like one person who had the money initially he would bribe the judges and the prosecutors to have the decisions that he wanted.
40:39Later on, when he had enough power, he didn't even need to bribe them. He was just threatening them. With corruption, your early campaigns were anti-corruption and a better life for people. And I suppose I've spent a lot of my life in Southeast Asia, and there will be some politicians there who say corruption is not a problem. You know, we can run successful economies in Southeast Asia and East Asia, which are quite corrupt, but are still generating enormous growth. Why did you feel dealing with corruption was important for economic growth? It is important for everything. I mean, if you want people to trust the state, if you want them to trust this country, you need to make sure that there is justice, that those who have been stealing, can you imagine that people who have participated in this banking sector fraud.
41:28They are not yet convicted. One of them is convicted, but he's hiding in Russia. And for the others, the trial is happening now. We'll see what happens. I mean, this is about, you pay taxes. You want these taxes to be invested in roads and schools and kindergartens, and not to see the people in power who just take this money and put them in their pocket. Moldova has one million of Moldovans abroad. Some of them left because they didn't have jobs, but some of them left because they were disappointed with the business environment and you can't have a proper business environment if justice doesn't work properly.
42:07Some of them, I mean, felt like what I felt before creating a political party. I don't want to pay taxes in a country where the leadership steals this money. So it's really about the statehood. You need to have, I know it's almost impossible to totally eliminate corruption, but we had this big corruption and this is the main issue on the agenda to punish the big corruption and of course to deal then with systemic corruption, which is also not easy to deal with. We're speaking just a few days after Maduro was seized by American Special Forces and is now on trial in New York. When you were saying earlier that you feel because Moldova is so small and the world's becoming more volatile and more dangerous and maybe being part of Romania would be an option.
42:56Did what happened at the weekend add to those concerns for you that we're returning to a kind of might is right, the big powers should be allowed to do what they want and the little powers don't really count? Well, Maduro was not a legitimate president. And this just reminds me that when we were fighting our oligarch back in 2015, 16, 17, and we spent lots of time in the streets protesting, and then people would ask me, doesn't the West see what is happening here? Why the West does not extract the oligarch for us to recover our democracy? So, you know, I had to tell them for some reasons the West cannot do that.
43:41But it was useful when later on the West did sanction this oligarch and the others and many other people who participated in these big corruption schemes. So I can't say that, you know, I actually hope that now Venezuela is going to have the chance to build a democracy and to get rid of a regime. But we have to see. Trump didn't even mention the word democracy. I think it's early to know about that. And I don't want to speak about scenarios. Do you worry about the current American administration stance on Ukraine? I do appreciate that the current administration is trying to find a solution to bring peace.
44:26At the same time, I don't believe that Putin wants peace. And that's why I'm skeptical about the peace plans. I hope I'm wrong, but so far you don't see any signs that Putin is interested in stopping this war. I actually believe that the West should have helped Ukraine more during the first two years of the war, when Russia's economy was not yet totally oriented towards war, when Russia was surprised that it did not conquer Kiev in three days and so on. And now it's going to be much more difficult. But for Russia to want to stop the war, it has to fill it economically. So I do believe that. So the West should put more pressure on.
45:13Yes, that's how I sit. Transnistria, can we talk about that? I mean, how big an issue is Transnistria in the European Union session discussions? And maybe just for listeners to explain very, very quickly. So maybe, Madam President, you can explain much better than me that just a little summary of the Transnistrian situation. Well, I just mentioned it, that when Moldova became independent, Russia found a way to still create a problem for Moldova's independence. And this is when we had the several months war between the left bank of Nistru, Nistru being one of the two main rivers of the country, and the right bank.
45:56actually it was the Russian army which was there for a long time during the Soviet times which was attacking the Moldovans actually the separatism so this region decided that it does not want to be part of the independent Moldova between the Denista and Ukraine it's a little enclave of about a few hundred thousand people with some Russian soldiers in it which is part of Moldova but in many ways acts as though it's not part of Moldova. It hasn't been recognized. The independence of the separatist regime has not been recognized even by Russia. So none of the countries have recognized it. But Moldova's constitutional authorities have not been able to control the territory since 1982.
46:44Are you able to visit in Quebec? I visited when I was not in politics, when I didn't have a public position, but otherwise no. Now, of course, since the war, and so it's not an active conflict. We have peace for a long time now, but the Russians are keeping their army there. This is an illegal presence of the Russian army. And of course, this is the main impediment to solving the problem. Since the war has started, of course, the war in Ukraine, we have focused on keeping the situation stable because we didn't want Moldova to be dragged into, we don't want Moldova to be dragged into the war. And we do see changes there because today the economic situation in the region is much worse than in the rest of the country.
47:34And that wasn't the case before? That was not the case before because Russia always tried to show that the situation in the region controlled by Russia was better than in the rest of the country. So like they would get energy for free, almost for free, very symbolic prices, Russia paid pensions to them and stuff like that. Now the financial situation is much more difficult. They still consume Russian gas, but they get much less and the tariffs are going up. Russia is not willing anymore to give them gas for free. Many people, tens of thousands of people are coming to work on the right bank of Nistro, which is controlled by the Kostysho authorities.
48:18We even see a change in the economic structure for the exports. Now, 80 % of the exports from the Transnistrian region go to the EU markets, as compared to 100 % to Russia, like 10 years ago. The same with the diaspora, like the people who go to work abroad. Before, it was only Russia. Now, half of these people from the region go to the EU. On the European point, if you join the European Union in the current state, Part of your country, in the eyes of the deal you would do, would have Russian troops, Russian boots on the ground. Of course, our interest is to become part of the EU as a whole country and to reintegrate the country before the EU integration.
49:06But we also know that Russia does not want Moldova to become a EU member state and Russia is going to do everything. And they've been trying to influence the elections, but they failed. They still have the Russian army and they don't want to destroy the Russian army. So the big issue now is how do we get rid peacefully of the Russian army so that we could do the reintegration before the EU. And what's the answer to that? How do you get rid of them? We are looking for solutions. We are talking to our partners. But we do hope that EU is not going to give Putin the veto power on Moldova's EU integration process.
49:45I know the commission is working very constructively and is making very positive noises about Moldova joining the EU. but there will be publics and politicians in Europe when the day comes who may be quite skeptical so what would you say to a I don't know a voter in Germany or a voter in Portugal who says come on we have enough problems already in the EU we spend enough money on other countries this thing is complicated enough already we don't want another country coming in what would what would you say to them? Well, I don't believe Moldova is spending money because Moldova is small and the economic integration of our country is really not a problem for EU.
50:30I mean, our economy is already almost fully integrated. We have one million citizens of EU because they're citizens of Romania and they're citizens of EU. They're already working in Europe and they are highly appreciated by all the the leaders of the EU countries. So it's not about that. On the other side, if Moldova does not get the chance to become a member state, it is going to get into Russian hands at some point, because it's difficult for a small country. Yes, we've been very courageous, we've been very brave, and we've been resisting all this interference, knowing that we're not alone, that EU is there as our ally, as our friend, and one day we will become part of this big family.
51:14If EU says no, then it's going to be easier for Russia to get here. And then again, Russia will use Moldova against the way to Europe. How do we get the optimism and energy back into the EU? Because I think if you are Montenegro, you're pretty frustrated. If you're Albania, you're pretty frustrated. I mean, there are many candidate states who've been waiting to join the European Union and the sense they're getting is that European publics, European politicians have lost their ambition. Well, I think the recent developments, international developments and developments on the continent show that EU needs to become bigger and stronger because this is, again, in everybody's interest.
51:55And yes, I do understand those who have been waiting for a long time because for a while there has no i mean the discussion on extension on enlargement has been kind of you know very low on the agenda now it's high on the agenda i'm not saying that it's easy to keep it high but i do believe that we just need all to understand the threats and then to also understand that our strength is in unity and that eu is not formed of only big countries eu is actually formed of middle level i mean and smaller countries but in this new world which is going to be very different than what we have experienced in the last three decades we we need to we need unity and and we need to work together now you've been very generous with your time we've talked a lot about putin and about trump and about brexit and all sorts of things my final question we flew from Luton in London Luton Airport yesterday so you now have these direct flights sell Moldova to a Brit as a tourist destination well first of all we have the best wines and they are also very cheap better than France yeah I would say some of them are better than in France and and they are much cheaper than in France and we have these nice wineries and you can see like 10 of them in just two days because they're very close to each other.
53:21We have very good food. We have the biggest wine cellars. You just come and then you can get lost in some of these. Where Putin once had a birthday party? Well, that was during a different year, but now his name is not there anymore. It is a really nice country. It's a cheap ticket. And in three, four days, you can see a lot of this country. You that are not just there to be exposed, that we live by our traditions. So please do come to Moldova. You're not going to regret it. It's a nice country. Final one from me. What surprised you most about becoming a politician? If you were giving advice to a young person becoming a politician, what is one unexpected, surprising, unusual thing that they would need to remember about politics?
54:09You have to be very strong. You should not expect that you're going to have a law on hate speech and then everything's going to be nice. You can have Moldova has a law against the hate speech, but it doesn't really work. you have to know that it's going to be very tough but no matter how tough it is you have to pursue your goal because we want to live in a free world in a free country we want to live in dignity and those who are fighting the young and the decent people in politics they just want you to give up to say it's too much it's it's attacking my family it's saying all these stupid things about me which is which is not true I was actually shocked when I became a minister because again I didn't believe that a minister had to be a political opposition I was not a member of a political party and I just said I'm a technocrat I'm going to go there to implement some reforms.
55:17So for me, the most difficult time was the first few years as a minister of education when I was just shocked that people were saying nonsense about me. And, and, you know, they didn't have, I believe they didn't have any reason to do to say that. And, but then I've learned it, that it's going to be tough. But as long as you believe, and as long as you have the trust of people, and to have the trust of people, you have to talk to the people. Moldova is a small country. I've been visiting lots of villages and towns and cities. It's easier. But you also need, it's important, because this is one issue, again, about the mainstream political parties in Europe.
55:57I think the messages have to be the meta messages, also not some narrow messages for different stakeholders. I mean, you know, I don't want to be, you know, bad, But you can't just speak about the rights of LGBT. You have to speak also to the people who are scared of the rights of LGBT. This is what I had to deal with in Moldova because it's a country where conservatism is still there. So you have to speak to everyone and to explain, yes, what the rights mean and to fight the propaganda because Russia is using this and it's using the war as a theme of propaganda. And you have to tackle all these issues and not just focus on some very narrow messages.
56:51You need to be very frank with people, even when you have to deliver difficult messages. you have to be there online but you also need to be there offline and you have to be ready that is going to be very very tough well thank you and good luck thank you very much thank you
57:13so rory what do you think of my son do well i like her very much she reminded me that we had met and i had had a very very happy time talking to her when she was between office some years ago We'd been warned when we were coming in for the interview that she has a reputation being quite sort of shy and controlled I thought actually there was quite a twinkle there She was quite warm and more open than I was expecting. I don't know what she thought. Well, I really liked her I think she's incredibly impressive. It won't be clear to viewers She's small. She's small. I wonder if she deliberately dressed in that rather Thatcherite shade of blue Or was it a European shade of blue?
57:51But I just think she's unbelievably impressive because she said at one point this sense that she wants part of her job is to make people not feel scared i think if i was moldovan i'd be quite scared i think that they have then they're right on the front line um okay not literally the front line but when she went through some of the details of the hybrid war that she was subject to particularly when she was running for re-election i think she's right that we that we in western europe don't take it seriously enough. Now, to be fair, she did say, and she was at pains to say and wanted to say, that the UK had been incredibly helpful in dealing with some of the cyber threat and so forth.
58:29But I think to be the president of this tiny country at this really difficult time, she's got real guts. I also think the anti-corruption thing was interesting for me because, like you, I spent a lot of my life traveling around countries with big corruption issues, who set up independent commissions the greatest corruption, so they're going to eliminate corruption. And generally, people are pretty cynical about it. Academics, people who work in this field will say, you know, when a country is really corrupt, there's not much you can do about it. In Afghanistan, for example, the US government literally appointed H.R.
59:01McMaster's to eliminate corruption, spent hundreds of millions of dollars and got almost nowhere. And he would come and say to me, remember one meeting where he said, you know, what do we got to do to eliminate corruption? I basically said, well, you can forget it. I don't understand how you're going to get down to the local levels. But she does seem to have made real progress. And it's sort of quite interesting. It's almost as though if the person at the top genuinely is honest and genuinely cares about it, it's remarkable what she can do. Because you would have thought that corruption is so deep in every part of the state that it's impossible to deal with it.
59:34By the way, and vice versa. So, for example, I think one of the problems that America has at the moment is there is a general sense that Trump is, by American political standards, deeply corrupt. And that's really bad for America. I think the other thing about President Sanders, she really does lead by example. So I don't know if you're aware of this. I was talking to some of her team. Because they wanted to give us enough time, they've delayed a trip that she was making by a bit. And as a result, she's having to take three flights to get to Cyprus because she doesn't think that leaders should be flown around in private jets and military planes and all the rest of it.
1:00:13So she lives kind of anti-corruption. She breathes anti-corruption. This amazing picture, which the Telegraph led with, which was her boarding the KLM flight in the Netherlands. And there's an entire Dutch honor guard lined up with a red carpet. And it runs to attention as the head of state. And she's carrying her bags on to economy class. Exactly. She's got to turn right with her little backpack back to the Congress. No, I thought she was very impressive. I mean, you're right. The people said to her, people who know her, people who work with her, said, you know, she can be very reserved and very shy.
1:00:43I found her really impressive. She's got amazing eye contact, which I think is incredibly important in politics. I think I've said that to you before. She just really looks you in the eye. And I thought her analysis of, I think most of our listeners say in the UK, the US, Australia, New Zealand, these sort of places where we have a lot of listeners. I think they need to know a little bit more about what it's like living with this constant, constant bombardment of misinformation, disinformation, funded corruption, funded vote buying and the rest of it. I think the final thing for me is what a different job it is being a politician here.
1:01:20You go into politics in Britain, you're worried about, you know, is GDP going to grow by half a percent or one percent or one and a half percent? She's come into a country where the GDP dropped by between 65 and 70 percent after it left. You know, not by five, six percent after it left the Soviet Union, where it dropped by another six percent with the Ukraine war in 2022, where basically all the energy was switched off for the country, where the Russians are spending a hundred times as much as they're trying to defeat elections, where corruption was so widespread. So in a way, I think one of the things that maybe keeps her going when people say, you know, how can you put up with politics and all the crap is the stakes are so huge.
1:02:02I mean, she's quite literally changing a whole country. You know, some of my friends who are still back in the NGP's are like, well, you know, what am I doing? Maybe I can do something on potholes. Maybe I can build a lift at the local station. She has got war, corruption, economic collapse in a country where she can almost meet everybody. But her last answer to you about what it's like being a politician, she talked about how tough it was. But she also said, you know, she does have the chance to do that, to remake a country. To final point for me, a couple of things. First of all, it was very interesting that she accepted the notion that perhaps the Russians did get very heavily involved in the Brexit referendum.
1:02:40The other thing I would say about her, one, I was very, very happy that she told the truth, that most sensible, reasonable people assume that Russia got very, very involved in our referendum. but I also think her ability to be here, be calm, be serious, and she didn't want to criticize Trump because right now no European leader wants to. But at the same time, you've got a sense that in the way that she conducts her leadership, the way that she conducts her politics, I suspect a lot of Moldovans who look at her and think, she is not like Trump. She is not like Putin. She is straight. Let me finish with a final question for you.
1:03:25I mean, in a way, Kiyosama was hoping that he would be able to be that kind of leader. The story that you got from the biography written about him going into the election is he wasn't showy. He wasn't a guy about big ideas, but he was straight, quiet introverted hard-working public servant technocrat integrity that's worked magnificently well for her why doesn't the same thing work in britain it was interesting wasn't it she really liked kirsten i mean both on and off camera she was sort of saying that you know he personally and the uk since he took over has been incredibly helpful and she actually said at one point you know i don't think britain realizes how lucky you are to have him and as you say most british people aren't thinking that right now i think partly it's the nature of the politics and of the media there's not much media here she gets a lot of grief on social media but she doesn't get bombarded and battered i think the way that maybe a keir starmer or macron does i think she gets bombarded and battered on social media bombarded and battered social media but she's managed to educate the public that a lot of this is coming from russia and from from adversaries and i think the other thing is i think it goes back to your point about the stakes look as you said i actually think we are britain is in a really really challenging position and we do need serious leadership but i still think most britains think they can kind of get on with their lives and politics kind of happens over there i think here i'm look we've barely but we've been here a couple of days that's it but i suspect most people here understand fully that point you just made about the stakes are incredibly high i'll tell you the the other thing i thought was fascinating everybody told us pretty much everybody told us she won't want to address the romanian unification issue she went straight in there she went straight in there and said well i would i would which is so remarkable isn't it because you again you would have thought simply from positions of vanity or ego if you were the head of an independent state yeah you'd you'd never want to vote in a referendum to merge with the neighbor and she was saying she she she accepts as a democrat that there is not a majority for it so she's not as it were pushing it as an active government policy but that was her position.
1:05:31And I think that just, again, is very different to the way that most European leaders speak. If there's a problem like that, you kind of find ways to dance around it. She danced around it by saying what she thinks, and then saying that for political reasons, I'm not doing that for now. Well, Alison, great, great to have her. And I think you're fully vindicated in selecting her as your politician of the year. I did indeed. I didn't tell her that. Okay. See you soon. See you very soon.
1:06:01Hi, it's Rory Stewart here. I've just recorded a very exciting series on artificial intelligence. This is the single most important opportunity challenge in our lifetimes. I'm afraid it's bigger, more transformative than climate change, the Trump administration, what Russia is doing in Ukraine. You might be underselling it. Far from being in a bubble, AI is underhyped. These companies aren't trying to build toys. They're trying to build something that can do everything that a human can do. Whether it's in coding, whether it's in radiology, whether it's legal work, we're already seeing AI models being able to outperform humans in certain domains.
1:06:38And yet the basic debate is, is it going to be able to write my essay for school for me? Most of these companies are relatively new and the people at the top of them are unbelievably personally wealthy. People have made AI videos and it's pretty coherent. It looks good. The problem? These large language models exist only at the moment in China and the US. AI, which is taking over the world. My worry is that we say, let's be cautious, let's not adopt, let's try and preserve things as they are. But our competitors internationally don't do that. We need a solution to stagnation. And it's very possible that AI is our way out of the mess.
1:07:17Or our route into mass unemployment, increased inequality and massive threats to the future of humanity. I suppose the thing that is most urgent is that no one knows. and anyone who tells you otherwise is lying. To listen to our full series on AI, sign up at therestispolitics.com.
From the publisher
How did Maia Sandu fight Russian disinformation in Moldova? What is it like to have a war in the country next door? Will the European Union accept Moldova with Russian troops in the country?
Rory and Alastair travel to Moldova to speak with President Maia Sandu to discuss all this and more.
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