207. Gordon Brown: How to Fix a Fracturing World

20 Sep 2026 · 57 min · 19 chapters

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In short

Gordon Brown discusses his book The Future Starts With Us, arguing the world is breaking in two ways: a fractured global order (wars, great-power rivalry, protectionism) and a “civic recession” (declining community organizations and trust). He proposes remedies including a new global charter for cooperation, plus rebuilding civic infrastructure and supporting innovation and economic growth.

Guests

Gordon Brown (former Labour leader; UK Chancellor for about a decade; Prime Minister 2007–2010; now 75, still active in public debate; author of The Future Starts With Us). The host is Alistair Stewart (longtime political journalist and Brown’s professional collaborator; co-discusses Brown’s leadership, communication, and politics).

Key claims

65 conflicts worldwide; shift to multipolarity, protectionism, and a power-based (not rules-based) order; globalization was not managed fairly; austerity after the financial crisis damaged trust; civic decline is measurable (e.g., 45% of Britons not in any organization).

Notable examples

Lehman Brothers/subprime risk; Kirkcaldy Facebook community; Erasmus-style cross-border exchange (and a proposed “citizen service”); nuclear proliferation risk (up to ~20 potential nuclear states); vaccine and World Wide Web innovation; scale-up funding gap pushing firms to the US.

Written by AI. May contain mistakes. Listen to the episode to check what was said.

Chapters

Tap a time to open that second in VO

Introducing Gordon Brown

0:45 to 2:31

An overview of Gordon Brown's political significance and achievements.

“Chancellor of our lifetime, a decade at number 11, and then replaced Tony Blair as Prime Minister for three years, 2007 to 2010.”

Introducing Gordon Brown

2:34 to 3:00

An overview of Gordon Brown's political significance and achievements.

“Sitting around the table, everyone talking all at once.”

Global Issues Today

3:25 to 7:58

Gordon Brown discusses the state of the world and civic engagement.

“New customer offer for initial plan term only.”

The Seismic Shifts in Global Politics

7:58 to 10:15

Exploration of the three major shifts affecting global politics and economies.

“And that's why I'm proposing a number of different remedies.”

Youth and Civic Responsibility

10:15 to 14:01

The importance of involving youth in community and civic organizations.

“So unless you solve the economic problem, and we can come to that, I don't think you can move forward in the way that we would want.”

Youth and Community Leadership

14:01 to 19:00

Discussing the challenges youth face today and the potential for community service as a solution.

“have narrowed over recent years, not expanded.”

The Consequences of Globalization

19:01 to 20:35

Exploring the need for better management of globalization and its effects on society.

“This episode is brought to you by Palmolive.”

Economic Disparity and Innovation

20:39 to 24:07

Examining Europe's economic challenges and the importance of innovation.

“There's just much more money to pump into these big AI startups.”

Navigating Global Relations and Cooperation

24:08 to 28:00

Discussing the need for a new global charter and cooperation principles in a changing world.

“There's a real sense that Europe is in trouble because China has got a currency that's too cheap.”

Misunderstanding Maps: Greenland and Global Politics

28:00 to 28:56

Explore the misconceptions around geographical representation and its implications.

“He included Iceland, which probably he didn't realize he was including it because it's probably AI generated.”
Show all 19 chapters

Global Cooperation vs. National Interests

28:56 to 32:06

Discuss the importance of global cooperation in addressing conflicts and nuclear proliferation.

“I mean, Mark Carney is calling all of the shots on this.”

Leadership Challenges in Modern Politics

32:06 to 36:38

Understand the unique challenges leaders face today, including media pressures and public expectations.

“The opinion polling that we have shows that that's what the people of the world want.”

The Role of Ideas in Political Change

36:38 to 40:11

Learn why focusing on ideas rather than personalities is crucial for effective governance.

“But the challenge is when events come in, I mean, Harold Wilson said, you know, events, events, unexpected events, and you've got to deal with it.”

Gordon Brown's Political Legacy

42:00 to 44:46

Discussion about the dynamics between Tony Blair and Gordon Brown and the impact on the Labour Party.

“and relationships are important when if i track back so because i'm so closely identified with Tony Blair, people probably aren't aware that when the two of them got elected first off, I was much closer to Gordon.”

Communication Challenges in Politics

44:46 to 47:28

Exploration of Gordon Brown's communication struggles during his premiership and the importance of effective messaging.

“And then Tony Blair wins this incredible majority in 97.”

Policy Challenges Facing Governments

47:28 to 50:47

Analyzing the key policy problems that Gordon Brown faced, including free trade and domestic populism.

“and I would guarantee 95 % of members of Parliament would have no idea what he's talking about.”

The Role of Former Leaders in Global Politics

50:47 to 53:25

Discussion on how former prime ministers can contribute to global governance and address modern challenges.

“for European economies is China shock to these subsidized stuff.”

Reflections on Political Relationships

53:25 to 56:00

Reflections on the complexities of political relationships and the historical context of the Blair-Brown era.

“and I hope we can get Rishi, also thinks in that way.”

Reflections on Leadership and Media

56:00 to 56:45

Gordon Brown reflects on the dynamics of leadership and how media portrays political narratives.

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Transcript

Automatic transcript. May contain errors.

0:00Thanks for listening to The Rest Is Politics. Sign up to The Rest Is Politics Plus to enjoy ad-free listening, receive a weekly newsletter, join our members chatroom and gain early access to live show tickets. Just go to therestispolitics.com. That's therestispolitics.com.

0:22Gordon Brown is a huge figure in the history of the Labour Party and indeed in the history of modern Britain. He was a child prodigy. He was one of the youngest people ever to go to a Scottish university. He's political to his fingertips, a clear rising star through the Labour Party. entered Parliament in the 80s, was always destined for great things and became the longest serving Chancellor of our lifetime, a decade at number 11, and then replaced Tony Blair as Prime Minister for three years, 2007 to 2010. What will history say about him? They'll probably remember that he was the Chancellor who led not just Britain, but some argue the world through the global financial crisis.

1:10You'll see that he's actually somebody who recognizes not necessarily the greatest modern communicator of all time, but an absolute titan of Labour politics and still making a big contribution to political debates. We're delighted to have him.

1:25Rory Stewart:This episode is presented by IG. September feels like a reset. Summer's over, finishing here my five weeks in Kreef, diary filling up again, and suddenly you're looking at the rest of the year thinking, am I saving properly? Am I thinking responsibly about my money? Yeah, and of course, we've got the budget coming up, which is going to be one of the most important events in the life of this parliament. There's always something changing, but with IG, you don't need to wait for Westminster before making your own plans. There for over 50 years, trusted by British investors, been through every budget market the government's experienced, helping make the money work for you.

1:59And with no annual fees, zero commission on UK stocks, shares and ETFs, it's a platform that empowers your financial progress, helps you stay ahead of the curve no matter what's next.

2:09Rory Stewart:I particularly like the no annual fees and zero commission. So while we speculate about what's happening next in politics, you can get on with planning what happens next for your money. Search ig.com to find out more or look for IG in your app store. IG, trade, invest, progress, capital at risk, other fees may apply. This episode is brought to you by Palmolive. Family time isn't just the big moments. It's weeknight dinners. Sitting around the table, everyone talking all at once. So when the plates are empty and the sink is full, use Palmolive Ultra. Palmolive's most powerful formula removes up to 99.9 % of grease, leaving your dishes sparkling clean.

2:51Rory Stewart:And the new convenient pump makes cleaning even easier, so you can spend less time tackling dishes and more time together. Shop now at palmolive.com. Do you hear that? That sound, right? That means that summer's officially here. It means that grown adults just sprint into the street for a frozen dessert shaped like a cartoon. But this summer, Mint Mobile has a better treat. Every plan, including unlimited, is$15 a month. And unlike ice cream, it won't drip down your wrist or look nothing like the picture. Does anyone have any cash? Give it a try at mintmobile.com slash switch. Upfront payment of$45 for three months,$90 for six months, or$180 for 12-month plan required.

3:25Rory Stewart:$15 per month equivalent. Taxes and fees extra. New customer offer for initial plan term only. Greater than 50 gigabytes may slow when network is busy. See terms. We're delighted to be with Gordon Brown. Gordon Brown will be known to all of you. He was Chancellor of the Exchequer, he was Prime Minister, but he's now aged 75, still making very important contributions to public debate. not least with this book which reminds me gordon of the days working on speeches and articles with you because it's very similar it's full of big arguments it's rammed with facts and statistics but it's also it tries to have solutions to the challenges facing the world so well the one thing that is different about it from the past is that we've surveyed 100 000 people in 34 countries to ask them the views about both their hopes, their fears, but also their aspirations about the kind of future they want.

4:20People feel that the world order is broken. They also feel that there's a civic recession, that in their own communities, the organizations that used to speak up for them are not there in the same way in the past. So we've got two big events, if you like. One is the breakup of the world order, which we can see around us every day with wars and everything else. And two, we've got a civic recession. And what we found is something quite fascinating, that those people who are involved in the local communities, and particularly those people who are meeting people across ethnic and religious divides, are the people who are most likely to resist populist nationalists, particularly, of course, we see that across Europe with Germany only in the last few days, and are most likely to favor international cooperation.

5:06So there is, we know there's a link between the global and the local, because global events affect people at their own communities. Energy prices, the closure of the straits, all these things affect people directly, then food prices going up. But now we can see there's a link between the local and the global. If we can get more people involved in the local communities, if they can see the wisdom of bridging with people across different divides, then a public opinion will grow in favour of international cooperation, which, of course, is something that is sadly missing when we're facing up to climate change, all sorts of problems with AI regulation and, of course, big humanitarian issues around the world.

5:44Rory Stewart:Gordon, one of the striking things that comes again and again in the book is how radically the world has changed from the world of your government. Again and again, you're describing a world which would have been very difficult to imagine in the 2000s. Yes, there's about 65 conflicts happening around the world. It's the biggest number of conflicts since 1946, just after the World War II ended. But I describe three seismic shifts in the way the world has developed. One is America is no longer the hegemonic power it used to be. And we're moving to a multipolar world. So there are many centers of decision making.

6:24That doesn't mean to say that America is not the most important and most powerful power, but it cannot have its own way in every respect. And I don't think 20 years ago, Putin would have dared invade Ukraine. I don't think 15 years ago, Netanyahu would still be effectively in Gaza. I remember when I was prime minister, he was forced out by the Americans and told to leave Gaza and agreed to do so. And I think 10 years ago, Xi would not be threatening to take over Taiwan. So the American leadership is under stress. And I think that's a long term factor. It's not just dependent on Trump himself. The second seismic shift, if I just may say so, is we're moving from a free trade world where free trade was the key to prosperity, open trade around the world, supply chains are global, to a protectionist world.

7:10And every day you hear talk of more tariffs or export bans or sanctions or something. So countries are sheltering themselves against a globalization that they didn't think has been working for them. But the third thing is even more worrying. We're moving from a rules-based order, which you talk about a lot on your broadcasts, to a power-based order where might is right, where you've got Trump, you've got Erdogan, you've got Modi in India, you've got Xi in China, you've got Putin in Russia. They see the world in terms of aggression. They see the world in terms of us versus them. I'm only doing well if you're doing badly.

7:45It's a zero-sum mentality and mindset. And I think that's what we've got to counteract. And that's why the force of public opinion never really mattered as much in previous centuries. But it does matter now. And we've got to mobilize that. And that's why I'm proposing a number of different remedies. If you take your two things, you've got the breakdown of the world order. You're very, very frank about Trump and the threat that he poses to lots of the things that we used to take for granted. And then you've got this civic problem as well. There's also the problem in our politics. We've had seven prime ministers since you.

8:18And it's the seventh prime minister. Something's going wrong with politics too. What's your advice to the 7th in terms of how he addresses these two things, the global breakdown and the civic breakdown? Well, I realized when I was prime minister and we had the global financial crisis that there were two things that were absolutely crucial for leadership. And the first is you've got to get to the root of the problem that you're dealing with. You know, during the financial crisis, people thought it was a liquidity problem that the banks had. It was actually a solvency problem. And we had to understand that before we could deal with it.

8:48And the second thing is you've got to be ahead of events. So to be behind events, you're always rushing to catch up. So you've got to think two steps ahead, three steps ahead. And that's what we tried to do during the financial crisis. And I think that's where we are at the moment. We've got to think two steps ahead, but we've got to understand what's the root of the problem. Because, look, when we did our survey of British and European opinion, what's fascinating is you see it at two levels. The first is the surface manifestations. So basically what people are saying, I've lost trust in authority and it's in the media as well as governments.

9:20And it's it's quite widespread, the loss of trust. The second is nostalgia. People say, well, the past was better. And some people say, well, let's return to it. And the third is this social cohesion point that people feel immigration or the lack of integration often is a huge problem. But when you dig deep down into what people really think about what's happening to their own lives, these are the surface manifestations that they see about what's happening to the society. There's two things that become really obvious. And the first, and this is where Andy and others in Europe and across America as well have got to deal with it.

9:55First is financial disappointment. There is no doubt that people's expectations, and this goes quite up the income scale, are not being met by their experience. They've been taught to believe that things are always going to get better. They've been taught to believe that the next generation will always be better off than the last. And now you see that there is a sense that this is not happening. So unless you solve the economic problem, and we can come to that, I don't think you can move forward in the way that we would want. But the second thing is fascinating, because I didn't really expect to find this, is that people have got a strong sense of civic decline.

10:28And so they feel that if they're in trouble, there is nobody or no organization that they can turn to like they used to. So faith group membership, dwindling, trade union membership, half, even mothers unions and women's institute, a million. They used to be in Britain, now less than half a million and go through all the different organizations that used working men's clubs, four million, now one million. So these are the British manifestations, but it's happening all across Europe. and to a large extent in America too, which has had a history of civic organisation. Can politics fix that? Well, we'll deal with economics later, but civic decline.

11:05What we found is 45 % of people in Britain say they're not a member of anything. So they're not a member of a church, a faith group, a trade union, they're not a member of a civic organisation, even a sporting club. In fact, the most membership organisations are sporting organisations. They've replaced churches and they've replaced trade unions and so on as the main focus of local activity. But these are sort of keep fit classes and these are park runs and so on and so forth. So what can you do about this? I think, yes, during the resistance in the Second World War, people at the end of it were asked, what made you join the resistance?

11:41And the biggest answer that there was, you might have thought it was, you know, I believe in this cause, someone I respected asked me to join. And so people in their own communities who may think it's not important to persuade others to become members, I think it's really important. Because look, if half the members of your community are not involved in anything, you don't really have the kind of community that you can call a community. And I keep saying if the physical infrastructure broke down, if the roads and the railways, there'd be immediate call for action. If the financial infrastructure broke down, like you couldn't get money out of the banks, there'd be panic.

12:16But the civic infrastructure is breaking down in so many different parts of the country. And we've got to therefore think about what we can do about it. So I would say, yes, encourage people to join. I think you've got to find better public spaces so that people feel comfortable in these spaces. I mean, the old sort of hall is not going to be the comfortable place for people to come to join. I think the Internet has a role to play in guiding people towards face to face meetings. And we're finding that in my hometown of Kirkcaldy that we've got a Facebook site that has 50 ,000, 60 ,000 people on it, almost bigger than the population of Kirkcaldy because people outside and others are wanting to join it.

12:51And it is leading people to sort of link up with people. So internet is not all bad in the sense of, you know, there's the problem of people siloing themselves in places where they can only talk to the people that they agree with. There's many things you can do about it. Young people, particularly, if they become isolated, then it's a huge social problem. It's not just an individual problem. It's a huge social problem. So I think to encourage exchanges, young people to meet other people. You know, Erasmus is a programme that allows British students to meet European students, but we don't actually have a programme for Scots to meet English, to meet Welsh, to meet Irish.

13:26And there's something probably we could do about that.

13:28Rory Stewart:I mean, there were attempts to think about a national citizen service, so not a military service, but an attempt to reach out to people either at 16 or 18 to create exactly those kinds of links and opportunities for more structured voluntary activity. And Scandinavians have tried this. I mean, should we not be leaning into this more? There's two or three countries, have it. The question is, it's optional in my view. But I do think if you think of young people 16 to 25, then there are a million people not working at the moment. But the options available to these young people have narrowed over recent years, not expanded.

14:04We had educational maintenance allowance to encourage young people to stay on at school. And I think one of the problems of young people without qualifications now is too many have left school at 16 without any qualifications whatsoever. We're finding that pre-apprenticeship training is necessary because people just don't have the qualifications even to start an apprenticeship. So there's lots of things that have got to be done. But one option could be community service. It could be an option, not anything that people are compelled to do. But I think we could provide. There's so many opportunities that you can see in each community to improve the environment and improve what's happening.

14:40And out of that will emerge new young leaders. And I think we underestimate the potential of young people to be leaders in their own right. And so, yes, something could be done in this area. And it's really important to think that if you've got a whole generation of young people growing up, there's no church or faith group. There's no civics in the school curriculum of any great significance. They're not getting jobs. They're not getting opportunities. They're not meeting other people. That is not a good society. Gordon, you set out the collapse of this world order, backlash against economic change, rise in protectorism, fracturing of trust, return of great power rivalry.

15:17And this really struck me, the spread of globalization whose effects we did not fully understand. Do you think we, New Labour, bear some responsibility or any responsibility for either the collapse in trust or the feeling, this sense that people don't now, no longer feel that economic progress is for them. Yeah, I used to have quite long arguments with people like Alan Greenspan, who was a friend of mine, who was the head of the Federal Reserve and was some of the American leaders, because I always thought you had to manage globalization. So globalization was a fact. It wasn't going to change during that period.

15:54There was the opening up of markets. There was the global supply chains, which meant that was maybe 30 or 40 countries could be involved in the production of any one particular good, like a car. So this was, in many senses, a good thing. And of course, a lot of people did well out of it. A lot of poverty was reduced because we opened up the world economy. But we did not manage globalization. And my arguments, partly with the Americans at that time, was you can either manage globalization well or badly. And if we manage it badly, there's going to be bad results. And now we are seeing some of these results because people don't feel it's fair.

16:30They think it was a free-for-all, but they don't think it is fair to all. And we've got to do something about the, if you like, the unfairness that is attached to a globalization that ran out of control at certain points. And of course, the financial crisis was the worst aspect of it. These were American banks mainly, but the British banks were also going along with us, and the German banks were also involved in this subprime markets. We just didn't have enough information about what was happening inside some of these institutions like Lehman Brothers. And of course, they were all failing in different ways.

17:06But the main factor was they were taking risks without the capital, without the backing to be able to manage the risks if they went wrong. So if they invested in the property market, the minute the property market went down, these banks were completely at sea and in danger. and I've always stressed since that financial regulation that some people are trying to relax now is absolutely essential because financial institutions can easily run out of control. You had capitalism without capital and they were running themselves without capital and so we had to do something about it. So managing globalization is a key.

17:41In the bailout, we had austerity for the people and we had a bailout for the people who caused this damn thing. Is that not also what eroded trust? I was furious, of course, because, you know, there was no legal case apart from one against a group of bankers because of the mistakes, but also the recklessness with people's money that caused you in the financial crisis. But austerity should never have happened. America came out of the financial recession under Obama and started to grow again. Britain went from growth was starting with had returned when we were in government, but the Conservatives pushed us back into recession with austerity.

18:19And then we have 10 years, effectively, even more of that, of 1 % or less growth. And so we were growing at 2.5%. And this is the key to prosperity, by the way, an economy has to grow, you got to be able to create resources for your public services, but you've also got to create resources so that people can see their earnings rise. But our economy grew by only 1%. And that is the problem we've got today, that we've got to have an economy, both Britain and the rest of Europe, which is growing far faster than it is at the moment, while taking into account the environmental considerations that are really important.

18:54Okay, Gordon, a really quick break and then back to more.

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20:35Rory Stewart:Gordon, so obviously there's deep political disagreements about this, but one analysis of why the American economy was roughly the same size as the European economies in 2008 and is now 50 % larger, and this isn't just Britain, this is Europe in general, is people would suggest that the American capital markets are much more flexible. Americans take much more risk. There's just much more money to pump into these big AI startups. And that one of the problems that European and British firms are facing is a general sense that if they need investment, they need to go to the next stage. They have to go to the United States.

21:13Rory, this is a scale-up problem. So we're pretty good at startups. We're pretty good at spinoffs from the universities. we've got what 14, 17 of the top 100 universities in Britain, we've got four of the top 10 are British in the world. But we spin off and we start up and then we don't seem to be able to scale up. Now, you're right, the American capital markets are deep. And Europe does not have a unified capital market. And so I would suggest that we have to do something about that. So whatever you say about the rejoining of different European institutions, we should have a European wide capital market that people can draw on so that the companies like Oxford Eonyx last year, but DeepMind, all these companies that get to a certain stage in Britain, they feel that they've got to go to America to get the capital.

22:00I mean, Herman Houser, who's the great entrepreneur in this, says that the last 12 unicorns, that's unicorns above a billion dollars that he was involved in, all of them went to America. So that is a problem that the budget could address, that we've got to do more to both encourage scale-ups. But I think there's a European scale-up fund at the moment. Britain has joined Horizon, which is the research and scientific fund. But I think we could join the financial instruments of that if we could find a way to do so. And we could then benefit from the large, it's a 5 billion scale-up fund, could become 10.

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22:34I think he said it could become 100. We could benefit from that. And so innovation, in my view, you say it's about risk and security. I think it's about innovation and where you have innovation and Britain has it. So we've got it in medical technology, brilliant medical technology. We've got it in, obviously, environmental technology, wind wave, nuclear fusion, Rolls Royce and all that stuff with these smaller nuclear reactors. We've got it in the creative arts. I mean, media, film. But what we need to do is to be able to underpin that with support for the scale up. Somehow we've had a blind spot about innovation.

23:12We've done lots of planning reform, infrastructure reform, great stuff, skills, employability, housing reform. That's all been part of the first two years of the government. But I think focus on innovation, because that's our unique selling point. Britain is the innovative nation. We did a survey on this, and the figures come out and say only 36 % of people believe that Britain is a world leader in science. It's not true. People think of the past. They think of James Watt, and they think of the telephone and the television. but they don't think that we had the vaccine brilliance and being one of the first to create a vaccine.

23:45We've got obviously Tim Berners-Lee and what he's done in the World Wide Web. We've got all these advances that are taking place in quantum computing where Britain has been in the lead and is in danger of losing it. So I would be backing innovation. We should be the innovation nation. That's what we should be talking about. It gives us something to tell the world that we're good at and we can actually be even better at in future.

24:07Rory Stewart:Final one on economics for me. China shock 2.0. There's a real sense that Europe is in trouble because China has got a currency that's too cheap. It's got a subsidized industrial policy and it's essentially eating the European economy alive. What should we be doing about China and its economic policy? Well, I know what Europe is about to do. It's going to put protectionist tariffs up against China. China, I think, is in a sprint at the moment to get as much of the global market as possible before something happens, which means that America and China are at odds with each other. Now, that means we're in a very dangerous world.

24:44So we've got to look at the long term. What role can China play in this new world? Clearly, the question is America versus China. How is that going to work itself out? And I think we've got to think our way through this. We have got to get, in my view, a coalition of countries that are neither China nor, unfortunately, at the moment America would not join it, that set down principles of cooperation. And let's hope that when we set them down, because look, the UN Charter was 1945. The UN Charter did lots of great things, still should be the central piece for the way we think about the rules-based order.

25:20But it didn't deal with climate change. It didn't deal with global public goods. It didn't deal with international terrorism. It didn't deal with the relationship between the South and the North, which has changed fundamentally. It didn't deal with women's equality, for that matter, as well. So we need a new set of principles of cooperation. And this is where I think China and America are put their challenge. Because for all the other countries, and let's say 120, 130 countries, they've agreed to most of the things that I would want to talk about, where there's international cooperation. If they agreed, here are the principles of cooperation, then it's not China calling the shots as they would like to do, or America calling the shots they'd like to do.

25:59They have to respond to what countries like Britain, Canada, Australia, South Africa, Brazil, Mexico, Korea, Japan, all these countries want roughly the same things. And that's where I think we put pressure on this. So in the short term, you're going to have this protectionism against China. And China, of course, is subsidizing a lot of these cars and solar panels and so on and so forth. So they're making them a lot cheaper than they would otherwise be. in the short term we're still going to have the trump tariffs so you're still going to have that protectionism but we should set out a course that says look we are the majority of the population of the world and we're going to come together and please join us but if you don't join us we're still going ahead but gordon if you go through your you've got seven principles for your idea of a new global charter human dignity human rights sovereign equality rule of law collective action on shared threats to life peace security duty of states on citizenship equitable partnership and collective responsibility for shared global risks.

26:59It is incredible, as I was reading that, to think, I was trying to, with Trump in mind, thinking, no, no, no, no, no, no, no. Tell me if this is what you're arguing, a bit like Mark Carney, that we almost have to give up on the United States global leadership. We have to frame something new that we play a leadership role in, and Europe is central to that. Those countries who agree that these are the principles, and I think most sensible people would agree these are the principles in which the future should be based, have got to come together. I do not rule out America joining in. Trump, by the way, talks about reciprocity all the time.

27:35And so he wants to say that America's been hard done by, and therefore they're going to penalize countries that have been difficult to them. But the principle of reciprocity runs through this as well. And if he thought about it, I think he would have to say, you know, fair trade is something that is a two-way street. So in some cases, Trump might agree with us or might be forced to agree with us. But I agree. Look, he published a map yesterday with an American flag, basically. Greenland, Iceland. He included Iceland, which probably he didn't realize he was including it because it's probably AI generated.

28:08And he had Mexico and he had Greenland. And look, I read an interview that he did in, I think it was 2021. And he said, I love maps, he said. And Greenland, such a huge place. I'm a property developer. We want that. And, of course, he'd looked at the Mercator map, the old map of the world, and Greenland looks the same size as Africa. And it's one and a half times America. So he thought, if I get this, then I've got America, America, one and a half times more. And he hadn't actually looked at the real world, but Greenland is a fourteenth of the size of Africa, and it's just a bit big. Now America's voted against recognizing the reality in the new map.

28:48He's got it wrong because he looked at a map and didn't get the practical sort of information. And Greenland's a relatively small country. How does this start? Is Europe the obvious leader of this? I mean, Mark Carney is calling all of the shots on this. Is Europe in a new, a stronger, bigger Europe? I think the key to this is recognising it's got to be global north plus global south. If we try to have another European initiative only and then say the rest of the world has got to follow us, we fail. But I'm actually talking to leaders in Africa. We're having a meeting at the United Nations on the principles of cooperation.

29:23Korea wants to be part of this, in my view. Japan would want to be part of this. You know, if you look at the polling we've done this year, the worry that people now have is about peace and war. And it's really interesting. In the last year, the balance has really shifted. People were worried about trade. They're worried about standards of living. They're worried about all these things and still are. But most of the world, if you ask them what their biggest worry is now, is the conflicts and the threat of war. And what's happening, unfortunately, is that nine countries have got nuclear weapons.

29:58But there are nine other countries that are now having to consider, they think. So North Korea's got nuclear weapons. So Korea thinks if America's not going to provide shelter for us, well, we're going to have to do it. Japan then thinks we have to do it. But then look at the Middle East and look, because Israel's got nuclear weapons. And people say, well, what's Saudi Arabia going to do? It wants nuclear weapons, UAE. And then you'd have Egypt and then you'd have Turkey. And we've now got even in Europe, Poland saying that they might have nuclear. And you're right, Germany thinking if we can't get a nuclear shield that we can guarantee, then what do we do?

30:31And so that's another nine countries. So from the time that we thought we'd have only nine nuclear weapon states, we could have nearly 20. And that is a huge change in the world. and it makes, of course, the prospects of peace more distant because basically the tendency, you know, AI, I don't know if you know this because the combination of AI in this, there's a study done at King's College in London. I saw that, I read that in the book. 95 % of the answers from AI systems, 95 % of them, when asked what you do when there's a tension between two countries, they end up with escalation and escalation and they end up saying fire a nuclear weapon.

31:09If we allowed AI to have that kind of control or even that kind of advice, then we're into a world that is very, very dangerous indeed. So these countries that I'm talking about outside America and Russia and, of course, China, if they come together, I think we shouldn't underestimate. 120 countries now come together to deal with a treaty to deal with crimes against humanity. About the same number of countries came together to deal with a treaty on the laws of the sea. about the same number of countries have come together with this judgment of the International Court of Justice about climate change having to be dealt with as a legal issue.

31:46It was promoted by Venato, one of the ones most affected. And so there are countries coming together, but I think we've got to put it up to a new level that we want to cooperate even if you don't. We want a world where it's not us versus them and it's not a zero-sum mindset. It's not if I do well, you've got to have to do badly, which is, of course, the way some people like President Trump may see the world. The opinion polling that we have shows that that's what the people of the world want. And it's interesting. That's what the people of America now want. Opinion has moved in America in the last year or two, and people now want to cooperate.

32:22So we asked the question, would you be prepared to cooperate with other countries, even if it meant some compromise of your national interests? And we've now got, what, 57 % generally saying that, about 60 % saying that in America and Europe. And that is really interesting that people recognise that even if it meant no America first, or no Russia first, or no China first, they know that it's in the interest of them to cooperate by coming together, even if it means some sacrifice of some part of national interest.

32:52Rory Stewart:One of the things that's very striking listening to you is how very, very differently you think about the world, view the world, describe the world from many of the current working politicians that we interview. And I wonder whether looking back at your own life, you can see that there's something in the nature of modern politics or being a leader today, which makes it quite difficult to think in that way or frame things in that way, whether it's changes in expectations of voters or social media or structures of politics. But essentially, our experience is that when we're interviewing current elected leaders, they don't frame things in those ways.

33:30Rory Stewart:New cycle. Alistair, you must be the first to accept this, that everything could be only short term if you allowed it to happen, because every day you've got something that you've got to react to. Every day there's a new event. I tell the story about President Kennedy in the early 1960s coming to meet Harold Macmillan. And he comes to London to meet him. And Macmillan is still asleep. there's a true story Macmillan's asleep so he's brought in given a cup of coffee and given a copy of the Times to read while people waken the Prime Minister Macmillan up now I know he was an old man but it's at that time but if that happened now the split second timing of even not being at the door to greet him or offering him a copy of the Times and saying I'm not too busy to talk to you it would become an international scandal When we did the G20 in 2009, one of the points was which car was going to arrive first and which car would arrive second, third and fourth.

34:33And Sarkozy wanted to be the person who arrived last because he was president of the European Council. And Obama had to be last because he was president of America. And if you got that wrong, you know, so the small things, but it's because you're in a 24 hour news scandal. I mean, you could be asked what you thought of an incident in Coronation Street or Emmerdale Farm or EastEnders, and the prime minister would be expected to know what his view was on that issue. How do we break through that? Are you finding that easier out of office than in? Well, of course, it's easier because you're not dealing with the day-to-day problems in the sense that you had to do.

35:11So the important thing is to realize that that is an issue. So when it came to the financial crisis, I made a mistake because I didn't explain it properly to the public. Because we had a view that nobody initially accepted that this was not a liquidity problem. It was a solvency problem. And you couldn't solve it by just getting the rotten assets out of a few banks. You had to fundamentally restructure them. And nobody agreed with us at the beginning. But I spent ages trying to work out what the problem was and then trying to find a way through that. And I didn't explain to the public. So the Conservatives were able to say, oh, it's a debt problem made in Downing Street.

35:44The government's to blame, all that sort of stuff. When in fact, it was a financial scandal that had started in America and had to be solved by countries like us. So you've got to be able to get to the bottom of a problem. So it demands that kind of leadership. You've got to be able to explain what you're doing, which demands a particular kind of leadership as well. And at the same time, remember, you're dealing with all sorts of other things during a major financial crisis. And people are saying that, you know, what tie you're wearing or something. It becomes an issue. So I think leaders have got to think carefully about how they do lead.

36:18And I think it's, first of all, you've got to have a clear view of what you're trying to achieve. Secondly, you've got to be able to communicate in a way that I probably was not good enough at. Well, I certainly was not good enough at. And you've got to deal with the immediate. So you've got these three issues that really every day you've got to think about. Do you think Andy's got those three qualities? Of course. But the challenge is when events come in, I mean, Harold Wilson said, you know, events, events, unexpected events, and you've got to deal with it. That was McMillan, wasn't it? McMillan.

36:49McMillan events. Did I say Wilson? You said Wilson, yeah. I think about Wilson. Harold McMillan said events. What was Harold Wilson's great one? What's going on? I'm going on. But I was, you know, British, dead heat. He was talking about clearing out the deadwood from the boardrooms and the white heat of the technological revolution. He was good at words. No, we've got to talk about that now because that's the innovation nation. In the 1960s, we didn't have much evidence of the innovation nation. We had Concord, but it only started in the 1970s. We had TSR-2, the fighter aircraft, and we cancelled it.

37:27I think the only evidence of the innovation nation at the time was actually the Beatles. But now we've got so much evidence that, you know, something to build on. But I think it's having the long term in view while having also to recognise if you don't deal with the short term, you lose out badly.

37:44Rory Stewart:My final one, when people look back at New Labour, they often talk about you, Tony Blair, Alistair, Peter Mandelson. And one of the things I suppose puzzles me, because it relates to your point about politics, is it difficult to keep long term friendships going in politics? I mean, for a general listener, is there something about the nature of being a politician which makes relationships and friendships quite tough? I think it's difficult, obviously, because politics is full of personalities and they've all got their individual qualities and everybody wants to be heard. But I think the noise around it is equally sort of difficult because there's all sorts of people around you, the media building it up.

38:26I mean, this is the issue in Britain. We tend to see issues purely through personalities. We tend to think of ourselves as empiricists. We're pragmatic. People don't think of big ideas. One of the things that your broadcasts are doing is talking about ideas, and that's really important. But if you look at the press coverage probably today, I think it's more about the king and his sons, but it's all seen in terms of personalities. Now, I think when I was in government, that was a very limited part of what the issues were. We were actually trying to do things. We actually had policies. I think what we were trying to do on child poverty what we were trying to do on rebuilding the health service what we were trying to do on schools and education and all these things are sort of forgotten because people just talk about personalities and I don't really think that was the biggest issue when you were dealing with problems and of course people have got strong views but I think the noise around it if you see Britain as probably people write up the last 15 years as X number of prime ministers X number of chancellors and that is the story of Britain But really, the story of Britain is trying to overcome an economic problem that nobody has satisfactorily got us back to growth.

39:36And as a result, austerity, as a result, public services, as a result, people's standards are living, not rising. Now, that's the big issue. And we should be addressing that rather than addressing, you know, who did what, when and who talked to whom and who didn't talk to whom at any one time. And I think in the end, if politics is going to be helpful to people, people say politics is the art of the possible. I say politics is trying to make the desirable possible. And that's where our focus should be, rather than on individual personalities and what they do and where they live and who they talk to and whose friends there are and how much money they have and everything else.

40:12It's got to be about ideas, because in the end, the only thing that will change lives is whether we get the ideas we have, if they're good, translated into policies that can benefit people's lives. Well, your book, The Future Starts With Us, has got plenty of ideas. But before you go, the day you left office, you stole my tie. I've never had it back. No. You were wearing a blue tie. You said, I cannot go out on my last day wearing a blue tie. I had a red tie. You took my tie. You walked down the street with it. I've never seen it since. I think a very good charity benefited from that time. And I will try and get the information of how much money was raised by the auction.

40:51And thank you. Thank you. For the time. Thank you for your time.

40:55Rory Stewart:Thank you very much.

40:59Rory Stewart:Something completely obvious to you, so obvious that it's boring for you and you won't want to talk about it, but is less obvious to the audience, is that this is somebody that you know professionally more than almost anyone on earth. I mean, you worked with Gordon Brown hand in glove for so much of your life, right? So this is not just a normal interview. This is almost like interviewing a sort of family member or something, somebody you really have a lot of history with. And it is history and it's very up and down history. And I could tell he bristled at your question about relationships and friendships in politics because they are very, very difficult.

41:36Rory Stewart:And it was interesting because it was quite a sort of innocent question yeah and and the only one in otherwise the conversation about global politics but but at the end of it he very much teased me about that and said you know because yeah because he was saying look you know your podcast and your broadcast i love the way he talks about your program and your broadcast you talk about big ideas and then but you know at the end there you talked about personalities it's not important yeah and but of course friendships and personalities and relationships are important when if i track back so because i'm so closely identified with Tony Blair, people probably aren't aware that when the two of them got elected first off, I was much closer to Gordon.

42:15Right. He was the senior of the two. Yeah. He was therefore from a journalistic perspective in a way more interesting. Yeah. I worked on The Mirror. Yeah. He had a weekly column on The Daily Record, which I used to help him write. And when I talked about working with Gordon on speeches, he's just relentless and sort and never gives up. So he's a stressful guy to work with. And then, of course, I think there's no doubt getting away from this. I don't think he's ever fully forgiven me for backing Tony Blair. Not backing Tony Blair, but in 1994, expressing my journalistic, strongly held view that Tony would win the leadership election if there were one.

42:56And Gordon would have expected you to be with him. Yeah.

42:59Rory Stewart:Or would have hoped you would be with him. And I also think in that, even though a lot of Scots might think i'm english i think gordon sees me as very scottish right and even though tony was born in scotland yeah cesar was very english and i think there was a little bit of that but then through it through it all i was always you know there were people around tony who said you know god is so difficult he's this but what you saw today is why tony always took the view that you needed him around because he's so smart he's so clever he's so driven and he is capable of thinking big thoughts and then putting them into action.

43:36Yeah. You know, but it was difficult. And then, of course, when I, then we had, in an individual question about the personality, he talked about there are people around you and he had people around him who made my life hell at times. And there was one point where I said, look, you know, you better understand if that guy Charlie Whelan's not out, you've got a real problem. Yeah. But I've always respected Gordon because he is ultimately a big, big personality, a big character, a big political character with big ideas. But it was difficult. It was often difficult. But then, of course, I went back in, you know, the reason we were joking about the ties, because I was there right at the end, having gone back for his election campaign.

44:15Rory Stewart:So for younger listeners who don't remember this, it was an amazing moment. So Tony Blair had been this unbelievably successful new Labour Prime Minister, achieved an incredible majority when And actually, when I was at school, I mean, just to put it in context, studying politics A-level in the late 80s, early 90s, the conventional wisdom was Labour could never win again. The structures of British politics permanently excluded them. They were doomed because they'd been losing since 79. And then Tony Blair wins this incredible majority in 97. And then eventually he hands over to Gordon Brown. And at least the story in the public, which I think must be broadly true, is that Gordon Brown was crossed because he thought he should have handed over earlier.

45:01Rory Stewart:But eventually he inherits, he gets the crown. And people like me are very sort of taken with the idea that here is this incredible kind of intellectual titan coming in as prime minister. And he's going to fix all the problems that we thought were there with the Blair government. I actually wrote an article for the New York Times in 2009, which David Cameron's never forgiven me for, I think, where I said Gordon Brown represents the moral seriousness of the new politics and much better than what I saw as Cameron's more lightweight approach to things. And of course, it turned out that in pure raw political terms, it didn't work.

45:38Rory Stewart:And he seems to be suggesting that one of the reasons for this is communication. You know, basically, the account he gives is I had all the right ideas. I was doing all the right things around the financial crisis. the problem is I couldn't communicate it. And by God, you understand why? Because I'm sitting there thinking the problem was not a liquidity problem. It was a solvency problem. And I'm thinking even I am trying to work out what the hell you're saying, right? So even nearly 20 years after, he still hasn't found a form of words to actually explain to the general public what he's trying to say.

46:09But I think that's because he was saying he finds life easier now because he doesn't have to do all that stuff. I think the thing about community, because he can be a brilliant communicator some of the best speeches of the new labor era and speeches as you know i think are incredibly important part of communication some of the best speeches tony they were both very good speakers in very different ways but i know what he means about i've said to you before my mum always used to say i think gordon would have been a great politician in the radio age and that wasn't about how he looked although he doesn't particularly like going on camera no but it was about he's got an amazing voice he's got a real rhythm to his voice which i think is important in politics But I think what he means by communication is that he is one of those guys who thinks, right, I'm doing this incredibly important job.

46:55I'm trying to save the world economy. Let me do it. I shouldn't have to be talking about it the whole time. And when I talk about it, I should be able to talk about it in my terms. Solvency against liquidity. Correct. Correct. And what should have been happening, and to be fair, I think Alistair Darling did a pretty good job on this, but there should have been other people around who were doing the sort of communication he's talking. That's the first time really that I've heard him say that, though.

47:20Rory Stewart:The solvency against equality thing is really interesting, because not only does it not work with the retail voter, it doesn't work with most journalists, and I would guarantee 95 % of members of Parliament would have no idea what he's talking about. I mean, that is a problem. When he came in, he was saying, what are these live events you're doing? And you said, yeah, well, we did the O2. He said, what, 15 ,000 people? How did he do that? how do you communicate to 15 000 people in the same space and the truth is you communicate in exactly the same way as if you communicated to 10 people but i think he a little bit like i don't think he enjoyed the modern stuff of politics the stuff that i'm afraid you do have to do you know if you're a political leader today and you're not really mastering social media or having people to do for you you've got a problem so i think he's and the coronation street emmerdale thing was also revealing i mean those are sort of slightly limited dated references and a part of i guess a general sense that he basically doesn't think that kind of soap opera culture yeah he hates it he may have forgotten but one of my low points in his communications director of press secretary was when i in a briefing i inserted totally blair into a storyline in correlation street so maybe he hasn't forgotten that so he might not forget that as well but this is where life gets really difficult and complicated people very very close to gordon think that i'm anti gordon brown right okay so that's part of the history here yeah which i've never been and it's also true that i sat next to him at dinner and thought i'd got him to promise to come on the podcast and he didn't come we've been doing this for four years and we finally got him of which congratulations but and it's true he doesn't like tories but my suspicion is that four years is more about the fact it's like me trying to get david cameron on there's some personal thing going on No, I think it's more that he and some of the people who are with him would worry that I'd want to relive the whole Tony Blair Gordon Brown thing.

49:12But truth is, I'm brought to death by the whole Tony Blair Gordon Brown thing. I'm really happy not talking about it. Because what I've always liked about Gordon is his Scottishness, is his sort of Cacoddiness, the fact that he's dedicated his book to Cacoddy.

49:26Rory Stewart:I love all that. His Facebook page was 50 ,000 people. Exactly. Is it not a bit of a nightmare, though, being the Member of Parliament for Kokodi, given that you have a former Member of Parliament and Prime Minister sitting in Kokodi on the Facebook page still inhabiting that? Possibly, possibly, possibly. But if you were to do an index of that half hour, 35 minute conversation we just had, there was a lot in it. Incredible. There were a lot of different countries, thoughts, ideas. There's no arms and arms. That's what I like about it. He packs a lot in. It felt much longer than 35 minutes. He speaks so quickly, so concisely.

50:00Rory Stewart:There's so much info. No, it's beautiful. And, you know, he will be frustrated he didn't get to talk more about economic policy. When I sat next to him at dinner, he obviously can provide a 45-minute lecture on what the Chancellor should do and how to restart the British economy. I do think, though, you know, if I was going to get onto the policy problems, I think there are probably three policy problems that I can see. One is, It's absolutely true that membership in voluntary organisations is collapsing, but it's also true, as you suggested, it's unbelievably difficult for the government to do much about getting people to rejoin voluntary organisations, particularly if he says we're not going to make it compulsory.

50:38Rory Stewart:Second problem, I think, is that there's a real tension between the fact that he's still very much in favour of free trade or some version of free trade and the reality of what China means for European economies is China shock to these subsidized stuff. What do you do about China? And the third thing is the gap between daily domestic, increasingly populist inflected politics and this idea of reconstructing this big global South European alliance. Because probably if you were to put Keir Starmer or Kemi-Badenhock or Merz or Macron in a room and say, what do you think about this? They might say, well, it's all very well in practice, but my voters, this is not their priority.

51:23Rory Stewart:This is not their language. In fact, increasingly, the way voters from left and right view the world is actually against many of the things that you put in your list. Yeah, but I wonder if a role for this, there are so many, we've got seven of them. There is, in fact, no, we've got more than that. We've got, we've got how many, we've got 10 living prime ministers or something like that. If you go back to John Major, I wonder if one of the roles for former presidents, former prime ministers, isn't to do a lot of the legwork on this. It's very interesting. He's got a passage in the book where he talked about the, I can't remember the exact number, but the massive bestseller that the Beverage Report came.

52:02People reading it. Now, we're not in that sort of world anymore. But I think if somebody outside day-to-day politics, dealing with the 24-7 media, etc., were to put together a group of people, not just politicians, with the brief to create the space for a middle power, new infrastructure, that basically in its messaging, we can't rely on America. We don't particularly want China. Great if they want to get involved in some of the arguments. But anybody else? I could see that. You remember the Nelson Mandela elders group? Yeah, yeah. A sort of bigger version of that. Yeah. And I could see somebody like Gordon playing a big role.

52:42Rory Stewart:I also think power of ideas. I mean, I've always been struck by the fact that in about 1982, I think, four or five slightly eccentric Scots sat in the upper room of a pub thinking about a constitution for Scottish devolution. And 15 years later, that was almost the blueprint of what you guys delivered, that unless somebody does the thinking and lays out the ideas on that, or in fact, I'd make the same point about AI, that we all say that AI is dangerous, we should be regulating AI, but nobody's actually worked out the details of the charter and what this regulation is in advance. So when the crisis happens, something's there.

53:23Rory Stewart:Rishi Sunak, if you were to interview him, and I hope we can get Rishi, also thinks in that way. I mean, though he might be more tech-focused John Major, of course, is quite interesting. Tony Blair does a lot of this stuff. It'd be interesting to see whether one could get them together. Or with others. You know, look at the Malcolm Turnbull in Australia, Paul Keating, Kevin Rudd. I mean, they're all, there are so many, because politicians are becoming leaders younger, they're leaving younger. And you've got all this experience and thought and analysis. And, you know, I just think we've got to use them better.

53:58Rory Stewart:Final one, though, that I often notice in interviewing these people is that very, very quickly they become pretty high minded and global and they lose their rooting in polling voters, day to day politics, surprisingly quickly. I mean, it's like, I always felt this when I, you know, actually, Gordon Brown very kindly came in to see me when I was the different section of state. And I remember thinking, oh, he hasn't been out of office very long, but he no longer sounds like a politician or feels like a politician. Interesting on that, the answer to that is this book, I mean, Gordon was never a massive, well, he was interested in polling.

54:37But this book, polling is at the heart of it, this massive global poll. And added to which, one of the things I really like about this book is that he does weave in and out of the local. and the global. One of the best chapters is actually about Kikodi. So, no, but it's inevitable because the other thing with politicians, you can see this, he didn't want to say anything that allowed anybody to listen to this and pick up Gordon Brown tells Burnham to X. And I think all former prime ministers feel that, that they don't necessarily want to get, some of them want to, like Ted Heath used to with Thatcher, but most of them, the good ones, I think, I'm not saying Ted Heath wasn't good in lots of ways, but they don't want to be, just be judged by what they're saying to So when I said, is Andy Burnham going?

55:17Yes, of course he has. He just said that about any Labour Prime Minister. Because I'll be honest, I've been, as you say, it's taken as a long time to persuade him to come in. I think he'll be pleased and relieved that we did actually just talk about big stuff. You don't think I blew it with my lapse? A part of your lapse. Which I thought was a very, very good question. Nicely framed. but how would you have answered that just to finish it so the the well i would have answered it differently too i wasn't surprised that he answered the way he did yeah i probably would have lent in a little bit more to well because he's actually got a bit of a dig at the board of peace in this book if you go to the index you won't see blair tony yeah but you will see board of peace um i would have lent a little bit more and probably if it but this is different this is why he's different and i'm i was never a prime minister but i would have said look it's a bit like a rock band that was when we were all on song together it was amazing that can't last forever people make mistakes people fall out and you know and i was angry about this and i was angry about that and you know okay maybe the people going about the granita thing but maybe tony did stay a bit too long you know i think i've led to a little bit not you know it's all about you terrible media people who just want to say it's all a soap opera um thank you i thought it was I enjoyed it.

56:41I think our system will be right.

56:42Rory Stewart:Very worthwhile, very interesting. Thank you very much. See you soon.

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From the publisher

What did Gordon Brown learn from leading the UK through the global financial crisis? Why do so many citizens today not belong to any civic or religious group, and how does that impact our politics? How can middle powers come together to rival the strength of China and the USA?

Former Prime Minister of the UK, Gordon Brown, joins Rory and Alastair to discuss all this and more.

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