22: Kate Raworth: Doughnut economics and thriving in balance

12 Jun 2023 · 1 h

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Podcast Notes: The Rest Is Politics - Episode 22: Kate Raworth: Doughnut Economics and Thriving in Balance

Episode Overview In this episode of "The Rest Is Politics," hosts Alastair Campbell and Rory Stewart interview economist Kate Raworth, who presents her concept of "Doughnut Economics." The conversation revolves around the necessity of redefining economic success in the 21st century amidst growing financial and environmental crises. Raworth argues against the traditional obsession with economic growth, proposing instead that societies should aim for a thriving balance within the planet's ecological limits.

Key Themes

  1. Doughnut Economics
  2. Raworth’s framework depicts an economy where the goal is to meet the needs of all people while respecting the ecological boundaries of the planet.
  3. The "doughnut" shape represents:
  4. Inner Circle: Areas where people lack essential needs (health, education, political voice).
  5. Outer Circle: Ecological limits indicating over-extraction of resources, leading to environmental degradation.
  6. The goal is to operate in the "sweet spot" between these circles, enabling human flourishing without ecological collapse.
  1. Reframing Economic Success
  2. Discussion on the UK's political climate, where growth is often the sole metric for success.
  3. Raworth emphasizes:
  4. Moving beyond the fixation with GDP growth.
  5. Advocating for policies that focus on regeneration of nature and equitable distribution of resources.
  6. "We need to thrive, not grow endlessly."
  1. Challenges in Political Messaging
  2. The difficulty of communicating the need for reduced growth in a political context that prioritizes economic expansion for electoral success.
  3. The contrast between politicians' need to sell growth versus the ethical obligation to address ecological limits.
  1. Global Inequality and Economic Justice
  2. Raworth highlights the disparity between high-income countries and those in poverty, calling for a radical redistribution of resources.
  3. She argues that high-income nations must reduce their consumption to allow for the development of poorer nations.
  1. Citizens' Assemblies as a Solution
  2. Raworth promotes the use of citizens' assemblies to engage ordinary people in policymaking, creating a bridge between grassroots movements and political action.
  1. Cultural Addiction to Consumerism
  2. Critique of the societal mindset that equates personal success with consumption.
  3. Discussion of the historical roots of consumerism, including influential figures like Edward Bernays, who promoted consumer culture.

Key Discussion Points

  • Economic Dependencies: Raworth explains that current economic structures and systems are heavily dependent on continuous growth, which creates a conflict with sustainability.
  • Natural Limits: The conversation includes the acknowledgment that the planet is nearing its ecological carrying capacity, making endless growth untenable.
  • Political Realities: Both hosts express skepticism about the feasibility of implementing such radical economic changes in a democratic and politically charged environment.

Conclusion The episode wraps up with reflections on the radical ideas presented by Raworth and the challenges of integrating them into contemporary political discourse. She leaves listeners with a call to action to rethink conventional economic metrics and embrace a more sustainable approach that prioritizes human well-being and planetary health.

Key Takeaways

  • The Doughnut Economics model emphasizes sustainability, equity, and a balance between human needs and environmental limits.
  • Growth is not the only measure of success; thriving communities can be achieved through regeneration and distribution.
  • Engaging citizens in democratic processes can lead to innovative solutions for tackling complex global issues.

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Transcript

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1:49Welcome to The Rest is Politics Leading with me, Alistair Campbell. And with me, Rory Stewart. And we're interviewing today a woman who is here, I have to say, something by popular demand. We've had quite a lot of people saying, why don't you get Kate Raworth on the podcast? And we'll describe you as a renegade economist. I think that's how you describe yourself. I'll take that. As a renegade economist who feels that we have to cure ourselves of the obsession with growth in our economies, who wants us to think of the economy in a completely different way. She defines it as donut economics, on which she wrote a book in 2017.

2:31And it's a theory, but it's also a theory that's being practiced in some parts of the world, particularly at a local level, but I think she would like to see it happening at an international level. She's an academic at Oxford and at Amsterdam University, and she's previously worked in overseas development at the Overseas Development Institute for the United Nations Development Programme for 12 years as a senior researcher at Oxfam. So I know she and Rory will have lots to talk about on the charitable front as well. So thank you for being here. Pleasure. Welcome. And I guess we'll get on to doughnut economics and what it is and what you mean by it.

3:08But first of all, as an economist, I'd love to know your sense of how you see the debate about and around and in economics that happens in the political arena, starting maybe with the UK, but possibly more generally? Okay, so I feel that we are really stuck. Let's start with the UK, actually. I think we've come to a very narrow political framing that I thought we were getting away from, where in the recent months, we've had politicians on both sides of the house saying, the goal is growth growth growth i find that alarming because we are destroying the only known living planet in the universe and billions of people worldwide and in this country cannot meet their most essential needs so we should be rooting our economies in meeting the needs of all people within the means of this delicately balanced living planet so how do you as a politician though if you're not going to say we want to grow the economy the only alternative you have is to say we want to shrink the economy no you say we want to thrive we want to thrive right i mean growth is a wonderful healthy phase of life that's why we love to see our kids go that's why we love to see our gardens grow but nothing in nature succeeds by growing forever everything in nature grows and then grows up and matures and that's what enables it to thrive that's why oak trees grow for 300 years then they thrive so hold on so imagine you i know you're not but imagine you're a politician okay and imagine you're standing for office in the next election in the uk how do you frame what you're saying as a political message because ultimately in a democracy you've got to persuade people and you're arguing for something fundamental as a change in the way we think about the economy and therefore the way we live.

4:59So I'm going to proactively argue for what we're for. We are for a UK that thrives. That means people have good jobs in communities, their kids go to good schools, they breathe clean air as they bike to school. People feel respected and belong and they need it. We are regenerating UK nature, which is amongst the most depleted in the world. We are bringing back the life-supporting systems of this country so we have fertile source so we can provide for ourselves. Isn't that what people actually want? It's a vision that makes far more sense on the doorstep than saying, oh, we want GDP to grow by 2 % a year.

5:34Whose growth is that? Whose pockets does that get into? So I think it actually speaks much more to what people want, which is why these ideas are taking off in towns and cities and communities, because it makes sense to people in their lives. Kate, thank you very, very much for coming on the show. We're going to apply Alistair's golden test of strategy to you. So, Alistair's golden tested strategy, which I'm sure you know, along with all our listeners, is that you have to define donut economics in a word, a phrase, a sentence, and a paragraph. So, very unfairly, would you mind beginning with your great idea of donut economics in that form?

6:09In a word? Donut. Definitely. Definitely on brand, yeah. Vagod, yeah. In a phrase? Yeah. You've got to meet the needs of all people within the means of the living planet. Okay. In a paragraph? A sentence. In a sentence? That was kind of a sentence. That was my sentence. All right, you want a phrase? Stop trying to grow endlessly, it's time to thrive in balance. Yeah. And a paragraph? In a paragraph. The 20th century economic obsession with endless growth is destroying the living planet and creating massive inequality. It is time, instead of trying to grow endlessly, to grow up and learn to thrive in balance.

6:48so that we meet the needs of all people and we come back within the means of the only known living planet in the universe. What's not to like? Okay, now I'm now looking at a picture of your donut. It looks quite complicated to me. I'd like you to explain it to our listeners in a way that they're quite bright, but let's just assume that some of them aren't as bright as you and I are. Oh, get off. Hey, hey. Very, very simple terms. Explain your donut. Okay, think of a donut, the kind with a hole in the middle, right? And think of humanity's use of Earth's resources radiating out from the middle of that picture.

7:24The hole in the middle is a place where people are falling short in the senses of life. It's where people do not have the resources they need for health and education and housing, political voice, income, right? These are the human rights of all people. So leave no one in the hole. Get everybody out of that middle circle. but as humanity collectively use earth's resources we start putting pressure on the life support systems of our planetary home we start to cause climate breakdown and we acidify the oceans and we create a hole in the ozone layer and we withdraw too much water is this the outside of the outside ring right so leave no one in the hole but don't go over the outer ring either because there we break down the very planet that sustains us so the sweet spot of the donut.

8:05In fact, the donut itself, the sweet bit that you eat, is that habitable zone between extreme poverty on the one hand and destroying the planet on the other. It's the zone where humans ought to live. You got it. And so the shape of progress changes, right? In the 20th century, and in fact, you still hear it in parliaments and in economics departments today, I think it's the 20th century shape of progress. It's an exponential curve, an ever rising line of growth that goes to the ceiling the 21st century shape of progress is thriving in balance between that inner and outer circle it's more like a heartbeat and actually i believe that if we're going to give ourselves half a chance politically and socially to learn this we need to reconnect what we already know in our own bodies right every one of us understands that health in the human body is about balance enough food but not too much enough heat but not too much enough water oxygen you name it enough but not too much we get that and if something tries to grow endlessly in our bodies we call it cancer and we move in as fast as we can to end it we deeply understand that health lies in balance if we can take what we deeply understand in the human body to the planetary body and then move our political language and it's an appealing political language you can talk about thriving right it makes so much more sense in our life i've never heard a politician have thrive in a slogan?

9:30I have. I'm hearing towns and cities and regions around the world, they're starting to talk about a thriving economy, living well within the means of the planet. This is to me the 21st century politics we need. I'd love to sort of take you back to your earlier career and maybe begin with poverty in Africa. I guess you worked with the ODI in Africa, is that right? And then you worked later with Oxfam and with UNDP? Yes, after university, I was what's called an ODI fellow. So I worked in the Ministry of Trade and Industries of Zanzibar for three years. So I was based, I was going around working with barefoot communities in the villages, trying to see how I could support them in improving their livelihoods on which they were utterly dependent for their very most basic needs.

10:12Yes. And it's something I struggle with a lot, and I'd love to hear your reflections on it. How do you find a way of reconciling what needs to be done for the extreme poor in the developing world, people who are living on less than$2 a day, who are on the edge of starvation, and the very different types of structural problems that we face in the UK, and how you reconcile justice inside the UK with the much bigger problem of global injustice? Well, I would start by saying in those countries, whether it's Tanzania or Malawi or indeed Bangladesh or India, people who cannot meet their most basic needs.

10:48That is where you want to see the growth of their incomes and the growth of public services that serve them. Right. So we absolutely want to see them rise so that they have the health and education and transport and decent housing to meet their fundamental human rights. So to me, that's where if anywhere in the world we want to see economic growth, that's where it's going to happen. And it's got to be distributive. So it's actually shared and it's got to be regenerative so it doesn't destroy the planet as it happens. That's a completely different situation from, say, the UK or any European or high income nation.

11:21As we know, we are living in the richest countries ever in the history of humanity. These nations are richer than nations have ever been before. and we are massively overshooting our pressure on the planet and excessively using resources and energy so we just face a completely different trajectory if we want to thrive and it's about reducing our overshoot of energy and resource use let me just sort of stick on that for a second because i think this is really interesting you feel presumably that we are quite close to the carrying capacity of the planet that are we're way over the carrying sorry i didn't mean to interrupt you, but we are so massively over the carrying capacity of the planet.

12:01Earth system scientists are just telling us again and again, we are about to hit tipping points from which there's no return. So we're way over the carrying capacity of the planet in terms of our ecological impact. So that really means that we're not going to be able to continue globally GDP growth for much longer. We're going to have to stabilise the global economy and cease growing it. Otherwise, the ecological impact is going to be very extreme. And I want to speak first in the metrics of the earth. So we need to massively reduce our global carbon use for sure, our global material footprint and our excessive use of fertilizers, right?

12:37Let's start with the real metrics. GDP, money is an invented human measure. So I wouldn't want to speak of it in fundamental terms. We've got to come back within our pressure on the planet. Massive reduce of resource use. What does that mean for GDP? Globally, I don't anticipate that that means globally we can keep on growing, but it's the high income countries where it's clearest that they need to move fastest. And that's why we come into this challenge of can we have green growth? I can't see. I'm really happy to talk more about that, but I can't see the feasibility of having the GDP that we've always wanted, two and a half percent a year, please, coupled with the unprecedented reduction at speed and scale in energy and material use that's required in high income countries.

13:18Final one, and then to Alistair, because I think this is where the politics again comes in. Broadly speaking, per capita GDP in the world, if you divide, I don't know, the$100 trillion that we say the world economy is worth, divided by 8 billion people, we end up with a number which is about a quarter of the GDP per capita that we have in the UK. And that would seem to imply to me that if we were going to improve the living conditions of the extreme poor, there would have to be a reduction in the per capita GDP in the wealthy world. And that would mean that it would be quite difficult if we reduced by 75 % per capita GDP in the UK to pay for our government, which consumes about 44 % of our GDP at the moment.

14:01So again, I wouldn't put it in GDP terms because I think it gets too reductionist too quickly that we're going to move money like that. We need to, in the UK, live within our share of Earth's resources, which means we massively need to decarbonise our economy. But actually, also, we need to reduce our material footprint. How we do that in terms of its relation to economic activity is a separate transformation, is a separate innovation that we need to make. It's not about taking literally just taking GDP money from one pocket and putting it to another. What ultimately matters is energy and materials.

14:35Money is merely a means to having command over that. So we need to decarbonize and create a circular cyclical economy with massively reduced energy demand and can have very good quality lives within that. But I'm with you in terms of it certainly doesn't I don't believe we can continue to have the growth that the 20th century brought because that was deeply dependent on fossil fuel energy. And those days have gone. And I would love to know from your perspectives how this comes into politics or unless do you disagree with what I'm saying that we need to massively reduce our energy use and our material footprint in this nation, in all high income nations to respect the rights of people worldwide.

15:18If you don't disagree with me, I'd love you to join me in thinking, how do you bring this into politics? You're both immersed in the world of politics. How can this become part of the political conversation? I've only ever heard two MPs, Caroline Lucas and more recently Clive Lewis, ever speak to challenging the growth mantra in politics. And all other MPs are caught in it because it's so dominant that to dare to speak against it, the onus is on you as it is on me right now. You're asking me, Rory, to prove how we can utterly transform the world. Whereas if you stick with it, nobody asks you how the heck are you not going to go to the wall because we're going to the wall.

15:54And I want to flip that onus. the onus I think is on those who call for growth to explain how on earth this makes sense on this deeply destabilized planet just to pick that up directly listening I mean I've watched your TED talks I've read your book I've read these leaflets that have been put out by different cities that are practicing some of the stuff that you've been preaching for for years and I find it incredibly appealing but every time I see any of it I think oh my god as a political strategy I don't see how that is ever going to be successful in the current climate so something like caroline lucas who's been brilliant at prosecuting her pro planet pro environment call it where green party view and she's won her seat but she does it from a perspective of knowing she's not actually having to fight for the political support of the country and i guess my big worry about this is how you can do it in a democracy because the scale of the change you're asking for is so big and if you take something like China, when you talk there about Malawi and the countries that need growth, China has presided over the biggest elevation from poverty of millions of people by, I would argue, adopting a pretty capitalist approach to the world and in a dictatorial way.

17:13So I guess my worry is how you do what you're trying to achieve, the principles which I support, in democracies with very, very short timeframes. Totally agree. Many politicians would say, I know what I need to do. I just don't know how to get re-elected when I've done it. And that's why I think you're seeing some of the most progressive places say, let's hold a citizens' assembly. Let's use sortition. Let's bring together a randomly selected group of around 100 citizens, residents of our place. Let's introduce them to experts who can introduce them to the scale of this topic and see what they come up with.

17:44And time and again, what's coming out of these citizens' assemblies is that the people who are not trying to get re-elected because they are citizens thinking of the long view, they come up with far more long-termist, progressive and ambitious policies than, as you say, politicians feel they're able to. But would those policies get political support, which you have to have to be able to put them into practice? Well, I think then it comes down to how do you structure citizens' assemblies? Do you say, have a citizens' assembly, it'll be nice to hear your recommendations? Or does a politician government say, let's hold a citizens' assembly And let's actually commit to taking account of what the people of this nation are saying they want to happen.

18:23And let's put it into practice. I just want to dig in a little bit more into this. Without being too cheeky, sometimes you say that you're agnostic about growth. But it sounds to me that actually you're profoundly worried about growth. You're more than agnostic. I would have thought that if you really think, and you have every reason to, that we're exceeding the carrying capacity of the planet, you would want production and consumption globally to decrease. Is that right? And I sometimes think maybe you're being a bit political. You don't really want to say that because you don't really want to follow through the implications of that.

18:57Oh, okay. No, thanks for bringing that up. That's not why. When I wrote Donut Economics and I was arguing, let's move away from being addicted to growth to becoming agnostic about growth. One of the reasons was because I was thinking about countries around the world. I was trying to write principles that could be applied in many places. So whether it's in the UK or in Turkey or Malawi, and I think we need to move away from thinking growth is the trajectory that matters to actually what matters is the dynamics of being regenerative, working with and within the cycles of the living world, and being distributive so that value that's created in the economy is shared far more equitably with everyone who co-creates it.

19:36So to me, the fundamental dynamics become regenerative design and distributive design. And what happens to GDP is more like a consequence of pursuing those. But the consequence to GDP in the UK would be negative. And would that matter, in your view, if we went into a recession, what's technically defined as a recession, would that matter? It would absolutely matter to go into what's technically defined as a recession, because here's, and let me come to the point of what I actually deeply mean about being agnostic about growth it would mean an economy that can thrive without being utterly dependent upon endless growth so i'll put it this way we have an economy that needs to grow whether or not that makes us thrive and what we need is an economy that makes us thrive whether or not it grows and so actually it's quite radical to be agnostic about growth in a high-income country because it means we need to create our own economy so it's no longer dependent on endless growth as you just said alistair it currently is dependent on endless growth.

20:34And if it doesn't grow, it goes into recession. And it's tragic. It's massive implications. People lose their jobs. We lose the funding as immediate knock on effects. That's because our economies are structurally, financially, politically and socially dependent on endless growth. In order to separate ourselves from that dependency, we need to take the growth dependency out of our economies. This is what I wish was being taught in every macroeconomics course in every university. That growth doesn't matter? Not that it doesn't matter. Let's start by recognising that we are currently, we have economies in high income countries, particularly let's focus, that are structurally dependent on endless growth.

21:11And if growth isn't going to be possible, because we, as Rory's saying, we need to massively reduce our energy and material use, and that may not be compatible with growth. And if that's not possible, we need urgently smart policies and politics that starts to remove the structural dependency on endless growth. I'm pushing a little bit here, but again, you said may not be compatible. I think you actually believe it's not compatible. You don't believe that you can somehow decouple growth from consumption of precious resources. You're not somebody who believes there's some magic green growth solution which is going to allow us to grow happily without having a catastrophic planetary impact.

21:53You really don't think it's compatible with GDP growth, right? So I don't think it's compatible with GDP growth. But you know what? The future is unseen. And there are many different ways we can organize our economy. So I'm not going to definitively say it is not possible because all we have, all the empirical evidence comes obviously from the past. but the evidence that I see makes me deeply skeptical of that possibility whereas what I find in politics and in economics and economic advice to politics it leans the other way it leans in the direction of hope it's too early to give up the possibility of decoupling now when we lean into the hope and the possibility the optimism and the kind of technological optimism I find that ethically really problematic because if that optimism turns out to be false when push comes to shove between green and growth you can bet you know what's going to get the shove it's going to be the green because we're structurally dependent on growth and so i think it's actually an ethical obligation to remove the growth dependency from our economies rather than hope and promise that it's going to be possible to carry on with gdp growth so yes i in my agnosticism i lean very much towards this ain't going to deliver we've got some decoupling and We need all the decoupling we can get, but we are not moving anything fast enough at the speed and scale required.

23:13So fundamentally, I think what you're saying and many other people are saying is that the scale of the problem is so vast and the actions we're taking are tiny compared to the scale of the problem. And actually, I sometimes think that, unfortunately, even with some very good initiatives in the UK, that they're very admirable, but they're not matching the scale of the planetary challenge. Agree. And given the size of that planetary challenge, and given, as I say, on the maths of it, if we were going to create an equitable world, we would be shrinking incomes in the UK by 75 % to put it down to a global average.

23:46And it's difficult for me not to feel that that's not really consistent with the types of democratic politics that we have at the moment. That's sort of going to Alice's point that how does your economics tie into political economy? What sort of state do you imagine can actually respond to a crisis of that magnitude? I think we could have a, well, first of all, citizens' assemblies, I believe, are starting to actually advocate the kinds of policies that are required. I really want to flip it around to both of you though because I haven't heard you disagree with me and if you agree with me then the question is how do we transform the political dialogue the reality the facing up to the scale that's required and instead of carrying on with the narrative that is putting growth first and then promising that we can tuck some green inside it actually putting the scale of planetary challenge being open about it and making it central to our politics and talking far more openly about how deeply we need to transform our economies and all high income economies need to transform together.

24:52So moving towards, for example, far more democratic ownership of enterprise, by which I mean, rather than companies that are owned by shareholders that hold them to account every quarter to show that they've got growing profits, growing margins, growing market share, which drives growth in that business. What if we move towards companies that are owned by their employees, by the community, with nature on the board? And these kinds of companies are emerging, whether it's Patagonia, whether it's Faith in Nature. This is a different kind of enterprise that's possible to evolve that can put not profit primacy, but its mission primacy.

25:30Indeed, there's companies coming to us at Donut Economics Action Lab saying this could be our logo. This is what we're for. We're not in business to max out profits. We're in business to sequester carbon. I read the paper you did on that and I knew some of the names, but I knew very few of them. And this has to be done by leadership. I get that. I think that you're probably looking for a government that is going to flip it in the way that you say, that is going to be led by somebody like Caroline Lucas. but I guess what Rory and I are trying to put across to you is what feels like a gulf between the scale of change that you're calling for in the way that people live their lives in the way that businesses run themselves in the way that the world works and the political realities in democracies and I just wonder whether you know I'd love to sit down with you and try and work out a political strategy to how you might get this getting more traction but along the way i see an awful lot of people in the advanced democracies losing their seats and losing their power and that that in the end becomes like the climate change debate has moved in phenomenally far yeah okay and that's been done by campaigners and politicians and people facing up to realities but it strikes me that you're saying something even bigger than that yeah i am because climate change is just one of what we can call nine planetary boundaries one of the life-supporting systems of our planet.

26:56And if we just go climate, climate, net zero, we're being reductionist all over again. But let me put this back. So we set up Donut Economics Action Lab after my book Donut Economics came out, because when the book came out, I was just immediately approached by councillors, by mayors, by MPs, actually, who said, well, how could we put this into practice? I want to do this. What would it mean to do this in my town, in my city, in my district? By teachers saying, this isn't on the syllabus bell, this is what the students should be learning. I'm going to teach it anyway. By companies saying, we want to put this in practice in our company.

27:29So we set up an organisation for people who already wanted to start doing it. The city of Amsterdam adopted it at the heart of their policy to become a circular city in the height of COVID in 2020. Six weeks later, the city of Copenhagen voted to say, actually, we're going to explore what it would mean for our city to be a company. These are democracies. Brussels, capital region, the Secretary of State for ecological transition she said i'm going to put this at the heart of our strategy i want all of our civil servants to be you know be learning this it's happening at glasgow is currently that's the answer to your question that's how you develop it you have to have real cases well it's happening so what's what's interesting to me is it's not happening at the national level i'm not surprised it's not happening at the national level it's happening locally okay part of the issue maybe if you're really asking us sincerely about this i think is that some of this is not biting hard.

28:18The impacts of these programs that you're talking about are not yet having a fundamental impact. Just to understand the impact of which programs are talking about. Either the initiatives from individual companies are not fundamentally transforming our market economies. So there are companies doing that, but they're doing it on a voluntary basis. There isn't government regulation pushing it through the whole economy. The initiatives that you're talking about in Cornwall or Glasgow are quite small scale. And the problem is that, well, I mean, one example, I think, which was quite dramatic in the UK was, we'd all been very comfortably talking about a proper price for energy.

28:55And that unless we priced energy fairly, people weren't going to change their behavior. But as soon as gas prices shot up last year, and household bills went up, almost everybody abandoned it overnight. And they introduced a price cap on energy, which ran against even very conventional economic logic, because it turned out that the public was not willing to pay a fair price for energy. So what frightens me here is that when it really begins to have intense felt impacts on individual lives, it's going to be much more difficult to sustain. I think that's true. And I think in the Netherlands, actually, they've realized their use of nitrogen.

29:31They're calling it a nitrogen ceiling. They're far too nitrogen intensive in their agriculture and they've literally got to reduce their national nitrogen use and this then creates it can create a very polarized national politics about between agriculture and between the urban areas i think that's just the beginnings of a future so this is all to come we are going to face huge pressures on resource use on on if we want to decarbonize and switch to batteries the cobalt, the lithium, the prices of these materials is definitely going to rise. And it's going to become very real. I think we're going to face far more material constraints that we are not yet setting ourselves up to prepare for.

Read the full transcript

30:12So I'm talking about let's prepare for that now. Let's take away the growth dependency. Let's create a circular economy that brings jobs back into the UK because you stop trying to minimise labour and max out on energy, minimise energy and material use and bring in more people so there's a very labor intensive circular creative economy that can be created all right okay rory let's just take a quick break

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32:14Welcome back to The Rest of Politics, leading with me, Rory Stewart. and me, Alistair Campbell and Kate Raworth. You've very justly turned it round on us and said, do you or do you not agree that the planet is in unbelievable problems? And we do. And I guess you're also encouraging us to agree that we cannot continue to grow and that actually we may need to shrink our economies, particularly in the developed world, if we're to allow any space for people in the poorer parts of the world to have better lives. And then you asked us, well, what are we going to do about it? And we're still sort of trying to work our way through.

32:50But my guess is our instinctive answer would be this is a horrifying question, that the political consequences of this are unbelievably extreme. It's not just a question of coming up with a good slogan or finding some well-meaning people in a citizens' assembly. this would require such an extraordinary transportation i mean just keep sort of coming back to this but we we currently spend nearly a trillion a year on our government and to get the uk economy down to the kind of size it would need to be to be just with the other economies in the developing world it would be smaller than what we currently spend on our government and that means health education and a lot of other things simply couldn't be funded even if we tax people at 100%.

33:38So I think you understandably, in order to sell something you passionately believe in, have an incentive to make it seem easier, more attractive, fairer. But I worry that you are shying away from the sort of very extreme negative catastrophic consequences on individual lives from which the political problems will come. I think the most catastrophic consequences on individual lives sincerely will come from the breakdown of the living world whether it's the direct impacts of climate change or whether it's the indirect huge disruption to humanity when whole continents are on the move because where they have been born has become uninhabitable or indeed the breakdown of trade when harvests fail around the world so that is the real disruption that I believe we need to avoid because by that point, it is out of human hands and we are responding to the breakdown of the planet.

34:38I completely agree with you though, Rory, that the scale of what's required is massive and it goes beyond, and I don't, I'm going to push back on you. I'm not just offering a mere nice slogan. I think how we frame economics really matters. And I think growth is a really nice little slogan that doesn't work anymore. and citizens' assemblies are like the seeds of future politics. I know you're being playful and you're pushing back, but I wouldn't dismiss them. Political spaces, deeply democratic spaces, where people are actually choosing to take a longer view and calling for radical politics. For the record, I'm a huge supporter of citizens' assemblies.

35:17I mean, I was one of the first politicians to really push citizens' assemblies. And I think they do extraordinary things. And I think they unlock political problems very powerfully. I'm just not quite sure they have the power to unlock a problem of this size and scale. I agree they don't. How much of this is about, you talk about our addiction to growth, but how much of it is actually about our addiction as individuals, not just to societies, but to consumerism? How much of this is just about the fact that we consume endlessly? and I was fascinated by, I didn't know about this guy, Edward Bernays, who's Sigmund Freud's nephew, that you seem to think is the sort of the godfather of consumerism.

35:56Yeah. Yeah, I do. And so I would say actually consumerism is one of the ways in which we're addicted to growth. It's one of the social lock-ins to endless growth because generations have believed that to do well means that we'll get a bigger house, that my kids could live in a bigger house, that they could fly further for a better holiday, that they could have more cars, right? So this consumption and the acquisition has been a very 20th century symbol of doing well. And I think Bernays, Edward Bernays played a huge role in that. He created 100 years of propaganda, as he called it himself, to convince us that we transform ourselves by buying something more.

36:34Is that what people mean by retail therapy? Is that what retail therapy is? We feel better if we spend? Yeah, because he figured out, I think he took his uncle's psychotherapy and realised that our deepest desires are to be belonging, to be respected, to be admired. And he connected that to the latest phone, that jacket, this car. So we have marketed these products as if this will make us feel belonging or admired. And if he was still alive, I'd say, well, Edward, well done. You know it worked. Now, please join the other team. Could you please help us unravel 100 years of this propaganda so that people actually feel that they belong through community?

37:17Let's rebuild the commons. Let's rebuild the places we live and actually find value and connection where it's real, which is in being needed and seen and belonging and respected as part of the community we're part of, the work we do, and reducing this extraordinary consumerist bent that we've grown up with. You have an amazing series of intellectual predecessors, don't you? Potentially going back to James Stewart and John Stuart Mill, but definitely Schumacher, well, Donatella Meadows. I mean, all these extraordinary people who, particularly in the 1970s, were beginning to talk about the limits of growth.

37:56This is going to be the most intellectual newsletter we've ever had, Rory. That was a good little blast that was. All the books that are going in this week. Oh, my God. So how much is it? Just give us a bit of a sense of your intellectual formation. How much do you feel you owe to predecessors in coming there? And what have you learned from what worked and what didn't work? I mean, the Limits of Growth in 1970 sold 30 million copies. People were very, very excited by the idea. And yet since then, the global economy has gone in an enormous hockey stick. I mean, we're just consuming everything faster than we ever have before.

38:31Yes, partly because after the limits to growth came out and people were alarmed by it, a whole counter movement mobilized to discredit it, rubbish it, say it didn't make sense. It wasn't true. They got it all wrong. Actually, the latest plots show that we are on track for what they call business as usual. But let me come back to your earlier question. I mean I studied economics at university because I wanted to learn the mother tongue of public policy. I was a teenager of the 1980s so grew up seeing the famine in Ethiopia, a hole emerging in the ozone layer. I remember Frank Boff on Nationwide saying there's something called the greenhouse effect right.

39:07So I wanted to be part of tackling these things and I thought if I learn economics I'll have that mother tongue of public policy. I can help in that very earnest teenage way that's invaluable. And when I went to university and studied study economics, I was really frustrated by the syllabus because these issues were peripheral. You couldn't even study environmental economics. Inequalities and the living planet, I felt, were at the edges. It was all about growth. It was almost unquestioningly about growth. There was never a moment where we ever said, what is the goal? It's growth. Is that the right goal?

39:43What happens if it's not desirable, not feasible, not possible? We never questioned that. And now, decades later, I speak to students in universities. It's the same. They are not being invited. I mean, let me say there are a few exceptions, but the mainstream syllabus does not invite them. It starts with the market of supply and demand, which puts price at the center of our vision and then means we're talking about everything in monetary terms. That's a very political move. Why are we jumping to the market immediately? It tells us that humanity is rational economic man. We're competitive, we're self-interested and we dominate over nature.

40:18And it tells us implicitly that growth is the goal. So I was really frustrated by the economics I was taught. That's why I didn't stay on and I didn't want to be a PhD economist. I didn't feel pride in that name. That's why I went and worked in Zanzibar for three years. I immersed myself in the real world economy. I worked at the UN on the Human Development Report, which reframed economics in the work of Amartya Sen from putting the economy at the centre of our vision to human well-being at the centre of our vision. I worked for Oxfam for a decade and then I had kids and became a mother. And then there was a financial crisis and the economists started saying, oh, we need to rewrite economics to reflect financial realities.

40:54And I thought, I'll be damned if we're only going to do it for that. Where would you put donor economics on what Rory and I in our political world would define as a traditional left-right spectrum? Where would you put that on that spectrum? I guess if you've got Jeremy Corbyn over here and Milton Friedman and Margaret Thatcher over here? Where would you, I'm not saying they're the most extreme, but within that understandable framework, where would you put donut economics? So first I'm going to say, I don't want it to belong in either of those wings because... That's what I'm giving you, the whole spectrum.

41:29I know you are, but surely, I mean, which surely all politics should be about meeting people's human rights, living within the means of this only known living planet in the universe. So I'm delighted that, say, in the Netherlands, It has had appeal across the political spectrum from the party for the animals to the Christian Democrats. And in fact, in the UK, I've been contacted by members from the Conservative Party, Liberal Democrats, Labour Party, Green Party. The only two you've said have challenged the growth agenda have been Caroline Lucas or Clive Lewis, who Clive has identified as being on the left of the Labour Party.

42:04It feels left wing. Is that a daft thing to say? definitely left-wing and more so more socially minded and green-minded let me put in those very simple terms politicians come to it and say this resonates and so that you know the major principles are being regenerative of the living world actually i think that appeals across the spectrum and being distributive by design it all resonates with me i just i keep seeing the obstacles in the politics of it and that means we've got to change our political system as well yes so that's why i think Rory's right about saying this is about such fundamental change that maybe people find it too scary.

42:42Well, the not changing is, I tell you, way more scary, way more scary. It's worth maybe just digging one more time into your statement that growth is embedded in the way that our societies work. So I've heard people say that growth underlies not just the discipline of economics, but the welfare state, the nation state. Talk to us a little bit more about why growth is so fundamental to the way we structure our worlds. And give us examples of them, of what gross dependency, how it feels in our welfare state or nation state. Why are they gross dependent? Because we have created money. The current system of money we have, and let's talk about the UK particularly, is that commercial banks create money as debt bearing interest, right so it has to be repaid with more that's so that's embedded in the way that we create money because we have companies that are owned by shareholders who want to see an increasing dividend every quarter so that forces companies to focus on growing rather than becoming regenerate i talked to corporate finance law officers who say we we want to become regenerative sustainable we want to pay decent wages through our supply chains but we have to show every quarter that we're growing because we chased labor productivity so as you saying if you if you have a non-growing economy in a in a structure where companies are trying to be more and more productive you'll create unemployment and you'll get the unemployment line which is huge political red flag and devastating people's lives we're politically addicted because and i think the really big one actually politically is the geopolitics of it right no leader wants to lose their place in the G20 family photo.

44:25But if your nation stops growing while the rest keep going, you may be booted out by the next emerging powerhouse. So the geopolitics, and it's very real these days with Russia, Ukraine, China, the geopolitics of having a place at the table creates a collective action problem that every nation is continuing to pursue growth in order to keep up with its rivals or allies. To me, that's not an economic problem. That is a geopolitical problem. That's a international relations. I would love to see schools of government taking on how are we going to get over that collective action problem. But to come back to the welfare state and to you were talking about taxation.

45:01I mean, in a country like the UK with a sovereign currency, the government spends money into existence. It doesn't raise money from taxes and say, oh, how much did we get this year? What can we do with it? The UK government spends money into existence, spends money into healthcare. So we can choose to spend money on whatever we value, so long as we don't overshoot the capacity of the economy to produce and therefore generate inflation. So to me, this comes back again to our economics education of how we think about government spending works. But even in your answer there, you've given me three or four more reasons that make this in the current climate politically virtually impossible in the short term.

45:44Yes. to a movement and i guess that's what you're trying to what you're trying to create that's why i wrote a book on yeah 21st century economic mindset because i cannot bear to know that students are going to university today and still being taught a deep presumption that high-income countries will obviously grow and that's obviously the goal and that the death of the living world so when keir starmer comes up with these five missions for government and the first one is about growth does that make you as an individual more or less likely to vote Labour that makes me more more passionate to change that messaging but do you see from his perspective of how hard it is to say whatever the opposite might be we don't have to say the you don't have to say we want to be the slowest growing economy in the g7 you say we want to thrive we want you know you can mobilize and excite people by saying we want to bring back UK nature we're going to rewild but But Kate, I think the problem is that you can say that, but eventually on the Today program or question time, somebody's going to say, wait a sec, thrive is a code for you want to be the slowest growing economy in the G7, because in the end, that is what you want, right?

46:55No, that's not what I want. I want to thrive. I'm not interested in our position in the G7. And I want all G7 nations to come back within planter boundaries. Okay, but you don't want us to grow, right? So at some level, if you were a politician, somebody would pin you down and say, honestly, Kate, you don't want us to grow. Sure. And partly, this is why I say this, because I'm not a politician. And therefore, I'm not constrained by that fearsome question that I will be politically hit sideways. I feel actually those of us who aren't politicians have all the more obligation to speak to this alternative economics that makes actually should be the economics that's being taught.

47:30And students are flocking in universities wanting to learn this because they know it equips them for the future that's coming. But the idea that what I say should immediately be repeatable and defensible by one of today's politicians who are trapped in... You trying to get them out of the trap? Yes, by modelling it, by demonstrating it, by speaking this language, by showing that there are mayors and companies and cities around the world that are saying we're getting behind this. For me, the approach is to start building critical mass that means it actually becomes a space where politicians can choose to stand.

48:04And they are. You know, the European Commission this month is holding a conference called Beyond Growth and is questioning the growth dependency of Europe. I think one of the reasons why is because they're seeing that some of Europe's leading cities, Amsterdam, Barcelona, Copenhagen, Brussels, these cities are saying, yeah, we're engaging with donor economics because we want to focus on a vision of thriving. That's why I am going with what's coming up slowly from below. It starts to build a critical mass. I don't believe we're going to suddenly get top-down change and politicians are going to switch their narrative.

48:39Tell us a little bit, just as we move towards the end, about what it's been like to become a major, major campaigner, to become the voice of a huge movement, to have your name associated with this very, very strong, iconic idea. Are there moments of doubt? Are there moments of anxiety? What does it feel like to suddenly go from being a respected UN staffer or Oxfam employee to suddenly becoming somebody who is supposed to be speaking for saving the planet? I mean, how does that work psychologically? I hope it's a still respectable thing to do. How does it work psychologically? I left my job at Oxfam to write a book about the new economic mindset that I think the world needs.

49:21because going back to your earlier question, it's absolutely built on a huge inheritance and the work of decades, indeed centuries, of economic thinkers whose work contributes to these ideas from Herman Daly's to Donella Meadows, from Amartya Sen. And I wanted to bring their ideas together and make them dance on the same page. And when my book came out in 2017, I was just amazed by the number of people, politicians and business leaders and community activists and teachers who showed up and said, yes, we've been waiting to do this. And this gives a language and a visual to what I already want to do.

49:57So that's so for me, psychologically, it's really energizing, because what I'm discovering is there are so many people whose view isn't represented in the current political narrative, because there's no room for it, who already want to put this into practice. So I'm working with them. And it's an incredible distributed community of people popping up. I've never once tried to persuade or lobby or convince anybody to use these ideas and what's energizing about it is the people are coming say we want to use those ideas they express what we already want to make happen so I find it highly energizing are there moments of doubt of course there's moments of doubt will the world transform in time well it doesn't look like it but if I wake up every morning think okay then what should i do i cannot see for myself i cannot see a better thing to do than to keep working with the people who are already starting to make this happen because change always seems impossible until it's done and we know that there are tipping points we know there are tipping points in the earth system there are also social tipping points there's an energy building around this and so i'm just going to keep on working with that energy and see where it emerges and we just follow it.

51:08I never knock on a shut door. So I'm not interested in lobbying politicians or anybody who doesn't want to hear it. I'm not trying to convince anybody because there are so many people for whom this makes sense. So we're bringing that groundswell together to show the seeds of a possible future, to show what it looks like in community and in a company. And you may not have heard the company, but you know what? You haven't heard of Apple. You haven't heard of Apple decades ago and up it arises. You haven't heard of Amazon until it... So we've heard of some of them. let them let's make them come through that's for me i get a huge amount of energy from it because these are people who actually see possibility and they don't just you know it's what i always say don't be an optimist if it makes you relax and say oh it's we're going to do it because people are ingenious and there's technology because that ain't going to happen but don't be a pessimist if that makes you sit back and say it's too hard we're too late we are too many it's too difficult what we're too stuck because if you sit back well it's going to be true so be in action get into action and whatever you're doing i'm working with the people who are in action and yes i have huge doubts about whether we can do it or not but this is the best thing that i can see that can happen and it's energizing working with people who are actually putting new ideas into practice well you've given us lots to think about and lots to talk about thank you very much for coming on i'm just going to be listening out to alistair sue the next time you start talking about thriving economy so i'm very pleased to hear you say it and also your last answer there was bang on message for the book that i've just written so we've got to stick together on that one it's called but what can i do you're and you almost used my favorite quote of all time go on then everything is impossible until you make it happen nelson mandela there we go yeah good luck to us all thank you very much indeed thank you

52:51so rory k rayworth donut economics what do you think well i think i don't know whether you'll feel this i bet we both do which is we both probably will feel a bit disappointed with ourselves because we will have come across as a little bit the sort of stiff older people being super cautious and she was making a very very very powerful very idealistic argument and in her in terms of very logical argument starting with you know the planet's in trouble and we just can't continue to grow like this and we were slightly saying we just can't see how we sell this politically and i guess both of us would have liked to be bolder more idealistic and less kind of stick in the mud did you feel that i felt exactly that i felt that i was in the presence of somebody who'd had a really interesting take on the world uh very idealistic which is a good thing, not a bad thing, really felt it very, very deeply.

53:52And you and I were both like the, we were sitting there virtually every minute I was thinking, how do you sell this politically? How do you actually make this happen politically in our current politics? And I was even then starting to think, do you know what, the only way you can actually be able to do this if you lived in a dictatorship. Yeah. Well, because it's so difficult, isn't it? Because, we've been talking a lot about Japan on the podcast recently, and that's a country which has had no growth for 30 years. And it's very, very problematic. I mean, young Japanese are in despair. Their incomes are lower than their parents were.

54:30They feel real pessimism. And our economies are built around growth. I mean, she admits this, but I think she's somebody who wants to say, in a sense, I don't care. I don't care that it's going to be difficult. I don't care that it's difficult to sell politically. I believe there is no alternative. I believe that we are exceeding the carrying capacity of this planet, that we're going to blow up the climate, that we're going to destroy our ecosystems and our biodiversity. And you cannot have infinite growth in a planet with finite resources. It's got to stop. But my goodness, If you think about the problems we had, even, you know, my hero, Theresa May, couldn't even get through a relatively sensible, mild change on funding adult social care.

55:21You know, how on earth you're supposed to get through something that says that the country as a whole is going to stop growing or actually, I mean, as you pointed out, technically what she's talking about is recession. You know, a political party campaigning for recession. I mean where I also do agree with it and you know I had a birthday recently and my kids and Fiona know this I'm terrible to buy birthday presents for because I just don't care about I don't need and want lots of different consumer goods and all that sort of stuff and and I think we can all make our own choices individually and I feel I sort of feel I wish we could all be like she's saying that we should be.

56:02But I sort of feel it goes against the grain of what we've all been sort of taught to feel and to think and be ambitious and what that means and to aspire and what that means. But I also think as an outrider within a debate, if you think about something as big as the climate debate, I mean, she's right that the climate's in real peril. But at the same time, the extent to which the debate has gone from almost being barely part of the debate to now right at the center of bit, you need outriders in that. You've needed outriders the whole way. So it could be that, you know, that what she's on about will, and she talked about places like Amsterdam, where the policies that she's, the ideas that she's been putting forward are integrated into policy formulations.

56:43So it can have an effect. And I guess what she's got to hope is that eventually you reach some kind of tipping point. But... And I think it's also possible that in 150 years, people will listen to it and say, she was completely right. What on earth were wrong with Rory and Alistair? Why were they arguing? Because of course, social change is always like that. If you think about arguments around slavery or women's votes or gay marriage, there will have been many, many moments where people like you and me back in the time will have been saying, well, I agree with you. Ethically, I agree with you, but politically, this is unbelievably difficult or economically, it's going to be very difficult to get it through.

57:27And I mean, it's obviously a much smaller scale on what she was talking about, but I write in the book about when I was a journalist, constantly being harangued by Ash, the campaign organization trying to deal with smoking. And, you know, we literally used to drop their press releases in the bin and throw our cigarettes on them, you know. And yet now there's not a newsroom in the country and in most parts of the world where you smoke. So change comes, but, and you're right, along the way, you meet a lot of people saying, oh, not sure about that, a bit too radical, a bit too fast, maybe you've got to go a bit slower.

58:03But the ones who go fast, you know, other people maybe will catch them up. And goodness knows, I mean, and we'll be, we're in the middle of so many of these debates at the moment, because climate change, biodiversity is one of them. AI is another one, you know, which again, we should get onto more. But I mean, it is a question of one group saying, oh, I don't know, it's going to be another group saying this is going to change the world, you better adjust to it, your politics better adjust to it. I mean, we are in a world of very, very radical choices, because we're getting to a moment, I guess, where our industrial capacity, our computing capacity is posing opportunities and dangers that nobody's seen before.

58:46And probably, business as usual, is going to become less and less of an option. She did say that now I'd heard her talk about it, that I'd start to notice people saying thrive. And actually, you know, when I spoke at the Canadian Liberal Party conference recently, Justin Trudeau did use that very word. There we are, you see. So maybe she's going to us. Thrive. Thrive. Yeah. All right. Well, thank you for that. I thought that was good for us. Pushed us into places we maybe weren't comfortable going. I'm going to make a bit of a pitch that maybe we should get someone on to push us on AI as well.

59:18And otherwise, thank you very much. And I hope people enjoyed listening to Kate Roworth, even if they might've been more inspired by her idealism than they were by our attempts to sort of point out the problems. See you soon. Thank you.

From the publisher

In the 21st century, the impact of financial and environmental crises can be felt by all. But how do we marry the nature of the economy with the ever depleting means of the planet? Rory and Alastair discuss the radical doughnut economic model with economist Kate Raworth to unpick how it could work politically, and how it is already helping cities to thrive in balance.

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