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Podcast Notes: The Rest Is Politics - Episode 81: Alex Chalk, Lord Chancellor: How to Fix Britain’s Prisons
Episode Overview In this episode of *The Rest Is Politics*, hosts Alastair Campbell and Rory Stewart interview Alex Chalk, the Lord Chancellor and Secretary of State for Justice. The discussion encompasses various topics related to his role, the state of the UK’s prison system, and insights into political friendships and challenges.
Key Themes
- The Role of the Lord Chancellor
- Alex Chalk’s Background: Chalk was appointed as Lord Chancellor after previously serving in various political roles, including as a junior minister in the Ministry of Justice.
- Responsibilities: The Lord Chancellor plays a crucial role in overseeing the justice system and ensuring respect for the rule of law.
- Friendships in Politics
- Navigating Relationships: Chalk discusses the complexities of friendships in politics, emphasizing conflicting loyalties between personal relationships and political duties.
- Personal Perspective: He mentions having a small circle of genuine friends within politics, illustrating the emotional challenges of maintaining friendships amid political tensions.
- The Prison Crisis in the UK
- Current State: Chalk highlights the urgency of addressing the prison crisis in the UK, mentioning the high number of prisoners and the challenges in prison conditions.
- Prison System Insights: Reflecting on his time as prisons minister, he notes the stark realities faced by those awaiting trial and the implications of lengthy detentions.
- Political Environment and Challenges
- Volatile Climate: The discussion includes references to the intense political climate shaped by issues like Brexit, the pandemic, and the war in Ukraine.
- Election Context: The episode takes place amidst an election campaign, with Chalk acknowledging the pressures and high expectations on current politicians.
- Reforming the Prison System
- Rehabilitation Focus: Chalk advocates for a rehabilitative approach to justice, emphasizing the success of suspending sentences and community service over short prison terms.
- Future Plans: He outlines the government’s commitment to building new prisons and improving facilities, while acknowledging the need for more funding and resources to support the justice system effectively.
- Legal Aid and Access to Justice
- Legal Aid Concerns: Chalk expresses his commitment to improving access to legal aid and ensuring that individuals can receive proper representation in the legal system.
- Funding Challenges: He acknowledges the existing pressures on legal aid, stating that improvements have been made but more work remains to be done.
Key Takeaways
- Friendships in Politics: The necessity of maintaining a balance between personal relationships and political responsibilities is crucial, yet challenging.
- Prison System Overhaul: Significant reforms are needed to address the issues within the UK’s prison system, focusing on rehabilitation rather than punishment.
- Political Pressure: The intense scrutiny and expectations on politicians can lead to emotional strain and difficult compromises.
- Access to Justice: Enhancing the legal aid system is vital for ensuring equitable access to justice for all citizens.
Conclusion The episode features an in-depth discussion with Alex Chalk about the intersection of personal values, political responsibilities, and the pressing issues facing the UK’s criminal justice system, offering listeners a nuanced perspective on the realities of modern governance and the complexities of reforming entrenched systems.
For more insights, listeners can follow The Rest Is Politics on social media or visit their website for additional content.
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Transcript
Automatic transcript. May contain errors.0:28Thanks for listening to The Rest is Politics. Sign up to The Rest is Politics.
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1:26probation, sentencing. He came into Parliament 2015. He's the MP for Cheltenham. He made a name for himself in the Justice Select Committee, where I remember having to testify to him as a Prisoners Minister myself. He, in 2019, very kindly came with me when we were trying to do various things around Brexit, which I'm not sure whether he talks about now, but anyway, we were very much campaigning together. And then he found himself put back into the Ministry of Justice as a junior minister. He resigned from Boris Johnson's government in protest after all the scandals, Chris Pinscher's scandal. He didn't join Liz Truss's administration, but he was brought back by Rishi Sunak initially as a minister of state in the Ministry of Defence, and then as our Lord Chancellor and Secretary of State of Justice.
2:16And he's one of the few serving Conservative cabinet ministers we've been lucky enough to have on the show and very lucky to have in the middle of an election. Thank you, Alex, for joining us. Well, thank you very much for having me. It's a Pleasure to be here. So you're also one of the few Conservative MPs who was at Rory Stewart's 50th birthday party. I was. And what a party it was. And you were there too. I was indeed. I was indeed. So I want to start on that, on friendship in politics. How many real friends do you think you've got in politics? Real friends? I'd say I've got about four or five.
2:42So people that I will stay in contact with when I leave politics. And some of those are people who just because of geographical proximity. So I happened to get on really well with the MP for Gloucester because he was very kind to me when I was coming into politics, the neighboring constituency. And then other people I've got to know and admire in politics as well. So I think probably about four. It's not that many, is it? It's not that many. Not that many. No. And it's tough. I mean, this is great. Is it LBJ who says if you want a friend in politics, get a dog? Get a dog. But I think that's true because so many things are coming into tension.
3:14tension and I feel about politics is constantly I'm not the first person to use this expression but you know conflict of loyalty you're loyal of course to your friends but you're loyal to your principles you have your constituents of course which are at the forefront of your concerns and and there I think there are a few other areas where those loyalties are in our intention and principle always has to trump friendship but that can be very painful. Lloyd George I was just reading this book by Damien Collings about Lloyd George who's brucely frank about this said he had no friends in politics at all.
3:44All his friends were outside politics because in the end he has to take down Asquith. He's got to push himself up. He's got to... Well, when I came into politics, I said to myself, make no friends for that very reason, because I wanted to ensure that my mind was clear about what I had to do if I thought that was the appropriate thing to do. But you can't help it. You can't help making friendships. And I think life is probably richer for it, but it does create challenges from time to time. That's quite sad though. It's quite sad that that's the approach you feel you have to take. Yeah, but I think you've got to be clear-eyed when you go into politics.
4:15My background was as a lawyer, as a barrister. I was enjoying that. And I wasn't one of those people that felt, you know, my life won't be complete if I go into politics. But I made a decision that I wanted to do it. And I wanted to put myself amongst the great problems of my community and try and play my poor part in improving them. But I felt that I saw coming down the track these potential conflicts. And I thought I would never want to find myself in a situation where I was aiming off from what I thought the right thing to do was because I felt that I owed some particular loyalty to an individual.
4:47So my experience politics, maybe this is completely different from the way you see it. I see it as a trade-off between having to compromise 98 % of the time and then the principles kicking in the red lines 2 % of the time. So my life, I was often holding my nose, voting with whips, going along with stuff I didn't really agree with. And then eventually I hit a red line in the form of Boris Johnson. I don't know. That was a similar situation because when I wrote in my letter in 5th of July, wherever it was, I said, you know, you talk about elastic, which stretches, and then there comes a point when you go past its elastic limit and it snaps.
5:20I think that is politics. But all I'm saying is that if you weave into that as well, not just that sometimes you have to cleave to things that wouldn't have been your first choice, but also when you weave in the emotional aspect of friendship as well, it's just another part of the cocktail. What did you make of that period? And what was it like being in that sort of maelstrom as the whole Johnson thing was unravelling? Politics has been incredibly volatile and, dare I say, even emotional for a long time. Because, you know, I remember you coming to Cheltenham where there was a whole business about Brexit and the second vote stuff, which you were heavily involved in.
5:56And I think throughout that entire period, you talked about 2015 when I came in, of course, we were pitched into the Brexit stuff, which was intensely emotional. And then, of course, we had the period of the pandemic and the war in Ukraine. And then so all of these things have created a very volatile environment. And I think that's part of the reason why you're seeing a high attrition rate or certainly at the recent elections. People, they're burning through politicians at a faster rate than before because it is so intense. You have to remember, every time one of these things flares up, that means hundreds and hundreds of emails in your inbox.
6:31And I have always wanted, I know you are a conscientious MP. you want to respond to as many as you can yourself. And if you feel that obligation, it is immensely draining. And so all of these issues, yeah, they flare up on social media, but there is a long tail of issues that you then need to deal with amongst your constituents to try to answer these proper concerns. How do you deal with the thing that always made me feel very guilty, which was my constituents expected me to be a full-time constituency MP in Cumbria, focusing on local issues. And at the same time, I'm presenting myself as a full-time legislator in parliament.
7:03you know, using my conscience, scrutinizing legislation, voting on each vote. And I'm also presenting myself as a cabinet minister, going to the National Security Council, traveling around the world, visiting prisons or doing whatever I'm doing. And I always felt really awful about not being in three places at one time. In fact, my social media accounts are a complete mess. I'm pretending that I'm simultaneously in Wandsworth Prison and in Cumbria and in Parliament. I think you've spoken very powerfully about that. I absolutely understand it. And I think it depends on individual MPs. you've got to make your own judgment about how to balance these things because of course it's a balance but my experience was if you are clear to your constituents then actually they you know if you treat people as adults they will respond as adults so what i've always made a point of doing is i get into my office 7 30 in the morning and i do constituency work so from 7 30 to 9 o 'clock i will get through as many of my own emails and in the evening from 9 30 till 10 30 whatever i will get through constituency emails as well but i will also be clear that i won't be able to respond to everyone so for example if there's a massive issue that comes in i will write the mail chimp which says as a person i i can't respond to everyone the no discourtesy intended but these are my own personal thoughts and i'll make sure that every single one got read but i won't necessarily do it so if you're open and honest and transparent then i i think you can strike a balance imperfect as it inevitably is you mentioned that time i was down in cheltenham with the people's vote campaign I can remember vividly you being there.
8:26I remember it vividly as well. I sense you being very nervous about what was going on. But I just wonder whether that Brexit thing ever became the elastic for you that snapped. And how you feel now about you obviously, I think, were pretty much signed up to the idea that there should be a second referendum. Hasn't happened. Where do you see where we are on Brexit now? I think Rory and I are both confused as to why it's not even getting a mention in this election campaign. Well, just to be clear, I mean, I do remember being quite apprehensive because there was a huge amount of, as you remember, anger.
8:57There was white hot anger at the time and the nation became very divided and people were going up their barricades. And actually, I... And your constituency, tell us about your constituency. Yes, we voted Remain in Cheltenham. I voted Remain. And Rory, I think I've heard you speak about this and I'm in violent agreement with you. No doubt I supported you for the leadership and all that. But, you know, the thing was, I felt that the 52-48 was clearly a mandate to leave. you have to take that on the chin, but it was not a mandate for this extraordinary rupture, which is why I voted for the customs unit.
9:26It seemed to be that was a sensible move, which fell short by three votes, as I recall. Now, my personal view is those indicative votes... Three votes, just to show how close it was, that was one MP who claimed to fall asleep in the library who was promising to vote for us, and another MP said he was going to vote for us who voted the other direction. And one who will remain nameless, I'm going to say. No, no, no, no, I'm not. But you said, do you know what, I'll never forget it. He said to me, that's it. I couldn't be bothered. I went home. I said, wow, you couldn't be bothered. You know, this is literally one of the most important issues for our country.
9:58But anyway, it was a very vexed time. The thing that just going down a very, very brief little detail, the thing that frustrated me was the timing of those votes was so long after the decision had been made that frankly, people had boxed themselves into their positions or put to use another method. They've gone so far up their barricades that they refused to come down and meet in the middle. And so those of us who were sitting there saying, well, hang on, I think I think it's a mandate for lead to lead, but not to sort of head for the exit door and some vast rupture. We were in a tiny minority.
10:26And so there were people like me speaking to the likes of Stephen Kinnock, you know, and we were this dwindling band of five or six people saying, shouldn't we have some sort of compromise option? But why is it vanished from the debate? I find that genuinely baffling. But do you find that baffling? I do. I really do. I don't think it's baffling at all. I think it's because, you know, I think it's because the Labour Party take the view that there's nothing in it. And also, look, I think we've made a decision. And my feeling was, by the way, at the time in 2016, and I went back to go and read some of the articles that I'd written at the time.
10:56And I said at the time, look, I don't think we should do this, not because I think in 20 years, time, it'll be absolutely clear that it would be mad to leave. But just because I think in the short term, short to medium term, there will be so much pain and aggravation and anguish that comes from this that I don't think it would be worth the candle. And by the way, I'm not sure the union will survive. And I'm a unionist before I'm anything. Right. So I was right about the first one. I was probably wrong about the second one. But on any view, that decision has been made. I don't think there's any credible argument or credible appetite to relitigate further referendum.
11:31Well, look, I think one thing we have learned as a nation is that referenda are literally just about the worst way of deciding major issues. Because, of course, they become the proxy for people's grievances on any other thing about what you think about the leader, what you think about views on social care or whatever. So they're a very, very bad way of doing things. And I just don't think there's an appetite to be pitched into a referendum. Given that we're talking all about this, what do you make about Nigel Farage? Big, big player in that referendum campaign. Man who was pretty good at politicizing these things.
11:57man who we're now hearing is positioning himself as a future leader of the Conservative Party. Presumably there will be some reform-minded people who say, you know, we should be voting for him as the opposition to Stammer. Try to talk me through why, presumably, you're not somebody who's going to be voting for Nigel Farage or supporting Nigel Farage. What's the downside of Nigel Farage? Well, the first thing to say is, of course, he is standing against the Conservatives. I mean, he's literally doing his best. He's using lurid language to say he wants to destroy them, all this kind of that. So I don't think at the moment there's any credible suggestion of that.
12:31Look, he's a phenomenal communicator. And by the way, it would be a huge mistake to say, right, everything this guy says is absolutely – he is making some reasonable points, which is that sovereign nations should be able to control their own borders. That is an uncontroversial thing to say. And I happen to think he's right. You know, the British people, we have warm hearts, but we want to have a secure front door. So that is a reasonable position to take. But I do think there is going to need to be some scrutiny about some of the other things he's talking about. You know, some of the stuff he's saying on the economics, it would mean sort of 70 billion pounds additional in spending, which this which no sensible budget could properly deliver.
13:06So you talk about leadership things down the track. But at the moment, he's in full on wrecking mode. And I think that means that we're nowhere near that. What in your mind is populism? What does populism represent? How would you define it? I think it's extremely difficult to define. And the one thing I would say is I think we have to be, you know, I think you and I really see a lot of politics in a similar way. But we must never retreat into a comfort zone and say, well, of course, you know, this is all populist and therefore disregard it and somehow to poo poo it or suggest that it's somehow unintellectual.
13:36It's a great mistake. The fact is, it is cutting through and I think we have to be alive to it. But there are those like me, I hope, who believe that you can address these things. You can address these things within the four corners of the rule of law. And by the way, the rule of law is your friend in doing these things, in ensuring that those who break the law, i.e. perhaps arrive illegally, should not be put in a materially better position than those who play by the laws. That is actually consistent with the rule of law and consistent with our international legal obligations. So it's supposed to sit back there and say, oh, well, this is all terribly populist and therefore I'm not going to dirty my hands with it.
14:11No, no, I will engage with it. But by the way, I've got a better argument and a better solution. And I'm going to expose the frailties of that position and to do so by force of argument. Sweet reason, I think, can always successfully counter populism. But if that's the case, then you don't think we would have stayed in the European Union back in 2016? No, because on any view, and I was saying this at the time, there was a real concern about a democratic deficit. Wherever you sat, and of course you took a principled position that we should stay in, I took that same view. Thereafter, our paths diverged about what the proper response was.
14:42But on any sensible view, there had been a movement in terms of our constitutional relationship, and there was no mandate for the new situation as had emerged. And in places like Cheltenham, so we remain full of very thoughtful, intelligent, ex-GCHQ people, internationalist folks. UKIP did extremely well in the, I think, 2014 European elections. There was a democratic deficit and we couldn't ignore it. And I think Cameron was in an extremely difficult position and I don't criticise him at all. And by the way, I also think that he could have been given a bit more bluntly. And I think if he had, the result would have been different.
15:22By Merkel and Donald. I do think so. Because if I remember saying at the time, if they had said, look, of course, there must be an emergency break. If, you know, to take, for example, the Farage argument. Oh, yeah, well, look, you could have 100 ,000 people arrive tomorrow. there must have been a way of saying if in the unlikely event that was to happen the UK must in the exercise of its own sovereign discretion say we are putting a pause we are going to put a pause for whatever period then I think that would have provided a lot of comfort to the British people but the whole point about the four freedoms were treated as inviolable as tablets of stone frozen in aspic and I think that's a great mistake and that was a mistake.
16:00Could you envisage a day where Nigel Farage actually leads your party and could you be in that party? No as I say I really, this is not evasive. I just think that we're in the position where he's literally trying to destroy the party. He hates the conservatives and he's not a conservative. So I think it's really difficult to imagine. What is he then if he's not a conservative? Well, he obviously is his own brand. He's the Reform Party. Let's see what happens. Those aren't my politics. They really aren't my politics. He's making a fair point about immigration and it would be a great mistake to poo-poo that.
16:28But I also think that a kind of overly simplistic approach to how you deal with these things, which is making vague blandishments, but not actually getting into the detail is a big mistake. The truth is these things are complex and you've got to get into the detail. You've got to consider how do you ensure that people are provided with legal aid? How do you ensure that that sticks in the courts? You know, it's like I'm a lawyer, right? So I often would prosecute people and you have to do really inconvenient things like ensure that the defence are provided with material which might, if it might reasonably be considered capable of undermining the case for the prosecution.
17:00That sounds boring until you get a Horizon scandal and suddenly these things don't work. So you have to do the plumbing. You have to do it with care. And that ultimately is what makes it stick. Alex, we've got right into the other things. Here we go. But take us a little bit back into who you are. Tell us a little bit about your childhood, about growing up, your values, your interests. Give us a sketch, the personality of this person that became Lord Chancellor. Oh, gosh. And why you're a Tory. Why? Yeah, why you're a Tory. Tell us about the childhood first. He always puts in why you're a Tory.
17:31I don't do this incidentally on Labour MPs. No, actually, he asks him about his childhood, and I'm not like, and why are you Labour? Straight away, but he always does that. He didn't let Nadam Zahavi talk about his childhood, except, and why are you a Tory? Okay, well, listen, I'll try not to be too dark. Very briefly, so my grandfather was a tailor, and he served in the RAF, and his wife, she was... Your grandfather was a tailor? A tailor, yeah. Because you've come across as super posh person. Exactly, but that's why I wanted to just kind of... Was he a posh tailor? No, no, no. Well, he wasn't actually.
18:04So he was a tailor and he married this woman. Was he a university graduate? No, no, absolutely. He was a proper working class tailor. Proper working class tailor. So despite the fact you're a head boy of Winchester and look like central casting. You scratch below the surface, you never know what you might find. Anyway, so here's the interesting thing. So he married in wartime. So he was in the RAF. He married this woman called Elizabeth Talbot. Now Elizabeth Talbot, whoa, she was grand. So she came from one of these sort of grand families, I think dimly related, distantly related to the Earl of Shrewsbury or something.
18:32I'm not sure. So how did the tailor get off with this? I'm trying to explain. Okay, sorry. So in wartime, the classes disintegrated. And it was this extraordinary melting pot where people came together from all walks of life. But when this grand lady married Ronnie Jorg, the tailor, the family didn't turn up to the wedding. Because they thought this was such an appalling thing to have happened. So this was a total scandal. She was upstairs going downstairs. Correct. Anyway, so they got married. And yeah, so I'm the spawn of that. unholy alliance. Wow. Yeah, yeah. Is that interesting? I think that's only moderately interesting.
19:06And tell us a little bit, you were born in Cheltenham, so you're representing the constituency you were born in? Well, absolutely, strictly. I grew up around Cheltenham, so that's where my grandmother was, that's where I grew up. And so when Cheltenham came up in 2013, I thought, this is my home patch, I've got to give it a go. And tell us a little bit who you were as a child. Were you a cheeky child? Were you a naughty child? I mean, let's give an example. Alistair, for example didn't enjoy university i like climbing over roofs at school and almost fell off them all the time tell us a little bit about you i by the way i had a great story about you which i'd love to say but when you came into parliament is it true that norman shore where of course we went in our first year that you locked yourself out and then you went in you locked your key and then you knocked on the neighboring door and you said do you mind terribly if i and then you walked through climbed out of the window the fifth floor of the fifth floor window and then and then shimmied onto the next balcony and got your way back in is that true No balcony on the window, actually.
19:58I'm very impressed. What a hero. Anyway, so in my background, I was, if I'm being perfectly candid, I was studious, hardworking, academic. I loved poetry, history, all those sorts of things, and theatre. So I can't pretend that I... Did you share his total disdain for sport? Well, I love... No, no, I love sport. So I play cricket and that kind of stuff, but to no great level. So I was an enthusiastic amateur, but I absolutely loved it. And as I said, we were talking just before we came on air. I've become passionate about Cheltenham Park Run and being active, and I ride my bike everywhere. Do you watch sport?
20:35Yeah, no, I definitely watch sports. Internationals are very important to me. And the big sporting occasions, obviously, I'll dial into the Olympics. But I have to confess, at school, I was the academic guy. The guy was working hard. Am I right? You were head boy of Winchester, and so was Rishi Sunak. Oh, God, I knew this was going to come up. So, yes, yeah, that's true. And how long is it? How much between the two of you? I think three years, but we've never discussed it. Did you know each other? No. Not at all? I was unaware of his existence. I mean, maybe he was aware of mine. You know what it's like at school that you know the guys and the years ahead of you, but not so much.
21:07So you were older than him? Yeah, I'm three years older. Right, but he made no impression upon you at all. But I have to say, there were 600 kids who made no impression on me in a year below, because I had no idea. And the final thing then. So everybody else that we interview on this program has got these amazing backstories. I know. He's telling his dad. He's telling a granddad. David Blunkett's kind of born blind. Angela Rayner grew up in this very, very tough background where Streeching's grandfather is. The deems of Harvey came from Iraq. I know. So is there a problem in modern politics that you're like a studious good boy who was head boy of his school, worked hard and don't have any of those stories?
21:42Look, I think it takes a lot of people to make a world. That's my line and I'm going to stick to it. And there is an issue, though. So the small thing I'd say is that, yes, of course, I haven't got a hard luck story. But it's really interesting looking actually at my year group when I was at school. One guy from my house, my boarding house, it's all kind of very rah-rah, get all that. But he fell into drugs. And I'll never forget, as a barrister going to Blackfriars, I was in Blackfriars Crown Court for a trial. And I went into the court three. And there was my mate from school. He was there. And he was gripping the rail at Blackfriars Crown Court for some drugs offense.
22:17and he had mental health problems and gone off the rails. And next time I checked in with him, he was dead. Another guy also got into drugs. So two of the 12 kids in my year, both of them sadly have now died, and both of them drug-related. So it's not, of course it provides privilege, and of course it instills values, and those values are incredibly important, and issues of self-discipline and a belief and care in the world around us and playing a part in, you know, no man is an island, proper John Donne mentality. but also there were a lot of people who by modern standards across the educational piece were sorely undiagnosed.
22:53People who had neurodiversity issues or people who simply didn't have addictive personalities addressed and so on. So of course it was a privileged background but it wasn't without complexity for some of the kids who went there. On the point about, just going back to your grandfather, do you think that class is a big thing still in our society? I genuinely don't. Really? Well, there are possibly aspects of it. But I say this, I went to the United States and I do that in this role, the G7 or whatever. And you start to look at your own country with a bit of perspective. And I went to the United States, which, by the way, all sorts of observations I can make about that, which you might want to come on to.
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23:31But I was sitting there in the British embassy. And I we had the great and the good with everyone from Supreme Court justices to the Attorney General. And by the way, the UK has massive convening power. Let's let's we should never forget that. But I was looking around the room and it was overwhelmingly white and it was overwhelmingly male. And I remember thinking, actually, in Britain, of course we have things that we need to improve. But this is by and large a pretty fair-minded country where people principally are interested, not where you're from, but where you're going. And I take such pride when I look at the diversity around the cabinet table, which I think is well understood.
24:06But by the way, would not be possible in most peer nations. It just simply would not happen. But I think we give ourselves very little credit for that. And I think whilst there are also proper concerns about background, that's absolutely right. I do think this is one of the more equal societies on the face of the earth and we should take some quiet pride in that. Just on the law, you've a couple of times mentioned the importance of the rule of law. You can't have been totally comfortable with the way this Rwanda debate has been handled. Look, I've always said that, so I believe in the rule of international law.
24:39one of the things that is precious little discussed is which country has the second largest legal sector in the world it's ours right it employs huge numbers of people there are firms from 40 different nations in london alone it's a great engine so all the oligarchs can get into the well no no but the point is it's hugely it knows we are very tough on that kind of stuff but anyway the point is we've got the commercial court is fantastic we have wonderful judges and so on and so forth. The reason why I say that is because we have done a huge amount in this country to uphold the international rules-based order.
25:12Possibly pound for pound, we've contributed more than any other nation. And that is an enormous part of our soft power. So international law matters. It's also incredibly important, you know, to paraphrase Edmund Burke from the 18th century, you know, a state without the means of some change is also without the means of its conservation. We have to evolve. And I think that's incredibly important. The law should be a living instrument. And so what I've said, and I think not unreasonably, is yes, the framework of international law matters, but we also have to ensure that it remains modern and relevant.
25:43And it must be right that sovereign nations can protect their borders consistent with international law. So what we are seeking to do, yes, I accept it's novel, I accept it's contentious, and I accept it is difficult, but I also strongly expect that in 10 years from now, this will become pretty mainstream. And whether you're looking at France or Austria or Germany, there will be an element of offshoring in the way that they seek to deal with it. But you can't be comfortable with being in the position where it's possible that we could leave the European Convention of Human Rights and be in a league with Russia and Belarus.
26:15You cannot be. No, no, but we have to take this in stages. So the whole point about this policy is that people like me, having thought about this extremely carefully, by the way, and dissected every clause of it and say, to what extent is it consistent with the human rights, insofar as we're taking, disapplying that part. And you genuinely think it is? Yes, I do. I think it is properly arguable that it remains within the four corners of international law. But I accept it's novel. I accept it's contentious. But I've looked very carefully to see whether this can be said to be consistent with the ECHR and our duties that exist under that.
26:47Because, you know, lest we forget, who was the person who wrote most of it? It was a British, it was a Scots lawyer, as you know. And a lot of these values, right to life, sounds a bit like a British value to me. prohibition against torture and human and degrading treatment sounds fairly British prohibition against slavery the right to liberty and security so what I'm saying is that it can be done within the the four corners of international and the final thing I wanted to say is look there are approximately 100 million people on the move around the world as we speak and that figure is likely to go up look at the 50 degree heat in the Indian elections look at the extraordinary and accelerating pace of climate change there's got to be a 21st century solution which is consistent with the rule of law and that's what we are we're moving towards right alistair and lord chancellor let's have a quick break and come back afterwards to talk about prisons
27:41let's um get to prisons yeah something that that alistair and i both care about so i found being prisons minister the most satisfying frustrating interesting worthwhile ministerial job i ever did and you did that job and now you're the kind of boss the person he does that job tell us a little bit about your journey with prisons what your first sense of prisons were and and maybe just start with what was the difference between the way you saw them when you were a lawyer and how you began to see this minister because i sort of remember my first conversations with you you saying to me before you were prisons minister well rory come on you know i i was a lawyer i locked up a lot of people prisons and then you became prison minister so tell us a bit about that journey well i remember funny very very clearly when you became prison minister.
28:24I remember going into the library in the House of Commons and you had taken the trouble to go to the librarian and you'd asked for all the great tomes and what the prison reformers had done. And there was stacked on this table, this huge pile of books. And I remember being incredibly impressed because what we also discussed is, why have they made you prisons minister? But you were this guy, obviously this expert in international affairs. And I think he was saying, I don't quite know. And then you took to it. And I don't know whether it's because you read all those books and you recognize that there is this fundamental tension that runs throughout politics, which is the rights of the individual as against the security of the state.
29:01And how you balance those things comes into the sharpest of focus in the way we handle our detainees. And so, yes, I had spent a lot of time in prisons, you know, HMP Elmley, I spent too many years of my life or hours of my life in HMP Elmley speaking to people, but you're very conscious when you're defending someone you're sitting there in a dank cell hang on the state puts you here what are the obligations on the state and i've always been very very mindful of that and i remember also you i think tried to get them to bang you up in prison i tried to do the same thing as prisons minister they hate it and in fact they declined to let me do so so i did the next best thing which i spent three days in a gritty london prison because i wanted to see what was going on and so fundamentally there were things which I found troubling and I challenge anyone who is a basically a compassionate human being not to feel troubled by it so you know when people are remanded in custody awaiting trial right they of course are innocent until they're proven guilty I remember seeing some guy in a prison and he'd been in there for eight months because CTL's custody time notes have been extended by two months and the regime during that time is he'd spent a lot of each day on lock up you know that's that is something that should trouble anyone and he's supposed to be innocent until proven guilty.
30:11Right. So he could be acquitted. The jury could say, hang on a second, we're slinging this. There's nothing to it. And then he doesn't get his eight months back. No, he doesn't get his eight months. And I should just add, incidentally, our custody time limits in England and Wales are lower than they are in France. In France, my goodness, people are detained pre-trial for years sometimes. So actually, our six-month CTLs are broadly right. But you've always got to be conscious that these people are in the custody of the state. And that, of course, weighs heavily on me, as I know it did on you. We're in the middle of an election campaign and Labour came up with a lot of stuff on prisons.
30:44And we, Roy and I, have both been complaining that there hasn't been enough focus on prisons in the political debate. But I just wonder generally where you think we should have prisons in the political agenda and specifically what you thought of some of the proposals they had. Just sort of stepping back, looking at this for 10 ,000 feet. So we brought on quite a lot of prison places since 2010. So the total custodial state is about 88 ,000 people. that's 4 ,000 or more than that higher than it was in 2010 and indeed we are rolling out the biggest prison building program since the Victorian era so we've built HMP 5 wells HMP Fosway which which I say passes my French French foreign minister test in the sense you would happily walk around with your counterpart and say voila look at that these are really decent clean rehabilitative prisons and they're absolutely fantastic and will any of the existing estate get shut down Well, yes, so that does happen.
31:33So sometimes they come to the end of their life. But what we're not in a position to do is to discontinue or to shut down the entire Victorian estate. Some of it's actually still very, very good. But there are other bits that you would want to get rid of. So we've got another prison that's coming on next year, HMP Milpsych. So the point that Labour made, which was a fair one, which I said, hang on, there have been some prisons which have been bunged up in planning. And she's right about that. Siobhan is absolutely right about that. And that has been frustrating. but it's also correct to say that of the three which we're going to build two have now got planning and the third one will get planning fairly shortly but my solution to that has been we need to get additional money from the treasury to ensure that we've got a pipeline way in advance so that we're applying for planning permission like years and years in advance as opposed to hoping and expecting is a what they call optimism bias that you're actually going to get it so optimism bias has been detonated in the moj because it's simply not that we got rid of that So my solution has been to get the pipeline.
32:27But that wasn't an unreasonable point. What was less correct is to say, oh, well, there wouldn't be pressures on prison places without that. That's not the case. So those were expected to roll out on 27, 28. In fact, the fact we've lost a year doesn't make the blindest bit of difference in terms of the pressure today. And what about going to a completely different mindset on the whole kind of prisons? You know, Norway, Denmark, a completely different approach. So those are we just never going to do that in this country. So I think, first of all, you have to recognize that in Norway and Denmark, there are different cohorts of criminals.
33:00So you have to, judges will sentence based upon the people who are coming into their courts. My view has always been we have got to ensure that there are prison places for the most dangerous people. You've got to take the most dangerous people out of society. The question is, should we be locking, we've got to lock everyone up we're scared of. Do we want to be locking everyone up we're cross with? And that fundamentally crystallizes the issue. My whole approach to this is follow the evidence. strip the emotion out where you can. So that means, I think, for those people who commit appalling crimes, think, for example, the Wayne Cousins case, the poor Sarah Everard who was abducted, appalling things done to her and then killed.
33:36Absolutely right, you should get a whole life order, right? So we have legislated so that there are more whole life orders because I think that is consistent with what the British people expect. When I started prosecuting, the standard, if you could say that, tariff for a murder was 15 years. Now, you wouldn't automatically be released after 15 years, but you could be if the parole board said that you were safe. I think a lot of people nowadays say, what, 15 years? That's a joke. That's simply not enough. So I think it's perfectly sensible for those most serious offences. They get locked up for longer.
34:03But when you're talking about those offences, say for the sake of argument, driving was disqualified, right? That carries a custodial sentence. Now, if you, Rory, took leave of your senses, maybe work was going badly, relationship breaking down, whatever it was, and you drunk too much, and you therefore were disqualified from driving because you've just been a couple of micrograms over the limit, but you're off the road, get off the road, And you're told at court, do not drive that car. But you have a terrible row with someone. You're at rock bottom and you drive to go and see your best friend because you just, anyway, you do it and you get caught.
34:33And the magistrates are considering whether to send you inside. Now, if you go inside for a short sentence, that is your life wrecked. Your reputation is gone. Your relationship's gone. You are absolutely at rock bottom. And the chances of you being able to contribute to society are dramatic. So do they send you inside? or do they say this crosses the custodial threshold Mr. Stewart but we are going to suspend the sentence so you will still have a custodial sentence against your record don't you know make no mistake but you will do this work this unpaid work to repay your debt to society you will also by the way go on an alcohol rehabilitation course you will have your freedom restricted so you can't go and watch the football on a Saturday and if you break any of these or the cricket or whatever it is you can't get the British library on a side and if you and And if you breach any one of these conditions, you will hear the clang of the prison gate.
35:18Now, I think, by the way, that sounds like it could be common sense. But also the evidence shows that the chance of reoffending for a short sentence, it's 55 % if it's an immediate custodial sentence under 12 months. It's 25 % if it's suspended. Okay, so can I come on the evidence? So obviously, David Gork and I, before you, tried to get rid of short sentences for exactly that reason. That I said short sentences were endangering the public. you were more likely to re-offend with a short sentence than if you weren't sent to prison at all. Boris Johnson came in, whole thing was then suspended. Later, Dominic Raab didn't want to have anything to do with it.
35:51What was the politics of trying to get back to this position that we thought we were in in 2018? What was the politics? What? Look, I had, as a backbencher, I talked about this. And incidentally, you talked about the kind of the trust interregnum. So in the most underreported speech ever, so I'd been a minister, as you indicated, and then I left and so on. and then there was party conference. I thought, here I am. I can say what I think. So I went out and I talked about the precise issue and I said, follow the evidence. And I was speaking to the conservative audience and they came with me. They said, hang on, I completely get the logic of this.
36:22It makes sense. Because by the way, you know, the cost of these prison places is like 650 grand for each place to build it and then 47 ,000 pounds a year to incarcerate someone. So it's a huge cost of doing it. Sounds like sending someone to Winchester. Well, anyway, very, very expensive. And so what I was fascinated is people can be persuaded. and so I thought so I came in and you try to make your mark as a minister and you try and say listen this is what I think we need to do so that was that was the proposal and there are a number of things that I wanted to do when I came in we needed to improve the fabric of the courts and Rishi was great he unlocked some money to put into the courts and he was and he was fantastic about those things and really impressive and listen to the evidence and so on so it wasn't so much politics as kind of I think this is a good thing to do.
37:04Is the criminal justice system in good shape. So here's a really, really important point to mention. I know everyone is kind of bored of talking about COVID, ah, since absolutely ages ago, blah, blah, blah. But there are few areas in our system that are more susceptible to that. And I'll just explain why. So people talk about pressure on the prisons, for example. Sometimes people don't think, well, what is the reason for the pressure on the prisons? The reason is this. During COVID, we made two fundamental decisions. I remember sitting around the table in the MOJ. One, should we release a whole load of people from custody?
37:32Because Public Health England, Public Health Wales were saying, look, ministers, you are going to lose thousands and thousands and thousands of people. There is no conditions which are more susceptible to an airborne virus in prison. And so they said you should release 16 ,000 people. Now, by the way, California, which is a similar sized population to England and Wales, released 11 ,000. France released 13 ,000. We released 200. Now, as it turns out, although every death is a tragedy, the numbers that died was fewer than 200. And that's because prison officers did a spectacularly good job at keeping them safe.
38:00So first decision was, should we release loads of people? And the decision was made, no. because that would have prioritized prisoner health over public safety. Point number one. But the second issue is should we get rid of jury trials? Because that was seriously being considered. And you might remember they thought about it in Scotland. There was much you in crime. And Robert Buckland and I said, absolutely no way. So jury trials are the lamp of our liberty. Absolutely essential to ensure that we have balance and that the rights of freeborn Britons are upheld. That's sounding too grandiose about it.
38:28It does sound a bit grandiose. But it's very important. It's very important. But the problem is this. It means that the cases stack up in the system. And remember we talked about people awaiting trial in custody. The numbers awaiting trial in custody have gone from 9 ,000 pre-pandemic to 16 ,000. So you're carrying those additional folk in jail. And so that is a really important aspect of it. So even though you're building a load more prisons, if you make that decision to hold on to your principles, there is a price you pay for that. But what about access to justice and legal aid cuts? So I sometimes say that I'm a legal aid lawyer on a career break.
39:05I care passionately about legal aid. And you will never hear stuff that I had to hear, by the way, when I was a practitioner going off down to Snesbrook Crown Court for a mention at£46.50 plus VAT, which is literally what you were paying, where we were getting maligned by people I won't name unless you push me in government at the time saying, oh, well, these are fat cat lawyers, snouts in the top. It was complete rubbish. Who was that? Do you want me to say? Yeah. Well, he's a perfectly alright guy. But so Tony Blair was saying that we are going to derail the gravy train of legal aid. That's what he said.
39:38He also said - What job was he doing then? Well, he was Prime Minister. When he was Prime Minister? Yeah, he said in Brighton. Terrible life. He said we're going to derail the gravy train of legal aid. And do you know what? Absolutely. And do you know what? I got named and shamed because I'd earned a certain amount within a certain month. So they would name and shame lawyers. It was awful. It was awful. It was a really hostile. And Charlie Faulkner, to his great credit, wrote an article in the Times saying, that we were wrong to vilify legal aid barristers. And generally, these guys do exceptionally important.
40:05So why have you not written similar articles saying that the Troys are wrong to keep going to Keir Starmer over cases than it did? No, no, hang on, we'll come back to that. So that's a second, come back in a second. But on the issue of funding, we've injected up to£141 million into legal aid. Also, when I came in strictly into the department in 2020, I wanted to roll out something called ELSA, Early Legal Support and Advice. I gave it snappy names so people would remember it. But the idea of trying to promote access to justice, because that's how you ensure that the laws that are set out in Parliament don't become a dead letter because people can actually enforce them.
40:37So critically important. So we are actually now housing legal aid. We've expanded that. We've also expanded family legal aid because ultimately too many people going into court as litigants in person that clogs the system up, creates delays. So we have looked to expand that. But Alex, a lot of barristers listening to this will think you're whitewashing, that the system is really in crisis. It's crazy. You read The Secret Barrister, it's shocking. Right. So many of my friends who are lawyers are in a boiling rage. Courts horrible, prisons horrible, systems horrible. What's the problem? There's a COVID problem.
41:12Yeah. But how's it going to be fixed? All right. So there are a number of issues. And first, the condition of the courts was, well, is, is too poor. And that's why one of the first things I did when I came into government, I said to the prime minister, we must have, please, can you reopen the spending review, which is, you know, you both know is incredibly difficult thing to do to get additional 80 million pounds to go into the court estate. And he did that for me. And that's it's made it's making a huge difference. That's really important. We need more practitioners. That's the other. You need more practitioners and much more money, right?
41:44Yeah, well, so we're running maximum sitting days, which is, you know what that means. So we need to have more practitioners as well. But also what we're doing is for those people who are awaiting trial, we've rolled out a thousand independent sexual violence advisors and independent domestic violence advisors so that they can support those individuals through the court process. So there is plenty more to do, I accept. Just a step back for a second. Sure. So regardless of who gets elected, Labour or Conservative, we are in a situation where tax is the highest rate ever and our public services are creaking.
42:17Prisons are a horrible state. NHS, some targets seen as some of the worst performances of the Second World War, et cetera, et cetera, et cetera. And all these parties are going into the election saying they're not going to increase taxes. So, if Labour gets elected, I'm afraid in this podcast we're now beginning to come to the view that Labour may get elected. I don't want to put you on that because you're in an election campaign. But were Labour hypothetically to get elected, surely they're facing a massive financial black hole. Where are they going to find their money from to deal with all this stuff?
42:47Well, I mean, I think they've been quite careful in the wording that they've used. There's no taxes on working people. But you're sitting there thinking, hang on a second. Well, what about corporation tax? What about capital gains tax? What about inheritance tax? What about council tax? So I think there are a whole load of things that there will be people worrying, pension allowances and so on, worrying that they'll be going after that. So I think that is a genuine and legitimate concern. Plus, of course, some of the... You're not going to say they've got a secret plan to put£2 ,000 in the tax, are you?
43:17You're not going to do that. Some of the spending commitments that have been made. So I know that apparently the£28 billion is not happening, but I think they still want to spend between£4 and£5 billion. So there are big spending commitments, And I think people are rightly and reasonably concerned about that. But you make a point. This nation has had two sucker punches in the form of the pandemic, which had this sort of scarring effect. There's no doubt about it. And also the war in Ukraine, which had this impact on national income. Now, we are healing. So you talk about the situation in the courts.
43:44It is difficult. There is real strain. But I think we can heal our way through the system. And I think it's also the case if you look at you talked about waiting list. In fact, I think they've been going down for several months on the bounce. I look at Cheltenham in my patch. We've got a brand new hospital wing, 17.2 million pounds. We're doing an additional 3 ,000 appointments every year. So the system is slowly healing and it's about whether we can stay the course. Now, I know you're saying I'm absolutely on message, but I do believe this. We have genuinely in my department about how we want to ensure that we stay on increasing the number of women who can get justice for allegations of rape.
44:21We're prosecuting more people for rape than in 2010. We can have more independent sexual violence advisors. We can ensure, for example, that more serious offending is caught. For example, we outlawed upskirting, non-fatal strangulation. We are the party that brought in coercive and controlling behaviour as a specific offence. There's a lot that we're doing, a lot we want to do, but we do have to stay the course. I'm loving the passion for the job and also the fact that you're speaking like somebody who thinks they can be there for quite a long time. We're in this campaign. I've fought in a lot of election campaigns, as you know.
44:51And I fought in winning campaigns and I fought in campaigns where it's felt a bit not so sure. But I've never fought in a campaign where we've got in 20 points behind at the polls. And I'm just wondering how you feel about that. I'm not going to ask you to say, because I know you're not going to say anything that suggests the Tories can't win. So I'm not going to bother with that. But I just wonder what the psychology is when you really do. You must be feeling this is like the last days. So my feeling is, and I speak through the prism of my own electoral fight in Cheltenham, that my job as somebody who loves democracy and you love democracy, whether you win or whether you lose, right, you've got to really, is you have to set out to the people what your record is.
45:33And I've got a record in Cheltenham of saving the A &E and all those things, which I won't bore you with now. And then say what I want to do if I'm reelected. And then you entrust the people with the decision. And I think it's perfectly reasonable in the national debate to say, look, this is where we want to go. So we want to ensure that we have the triple lock plus on the pensions and all the things that you've heard about. It's reasonable to set that out. And then you allow the people to make the decision. But I think Rishi is right and reasonable to say that there is much more clarity about what we're proposing to do rather than the Labour Ming-Var strategy.
46:04And I think over the coming weeks, people will not unreasonably shine a remorseless forensic spotlight on what Labour want to do. And I hope, by the way, on what reform would do to the point we were making earlier. But the point about the psychology, it's like, you know, if you take the sort of sporting analogy, it's just so much psychologically, it's so much harder if you think you're you're on the back foot. Yeah, well, what I was trying to say rather inarticulately is, genuinely, I don't look at it that way. I just say... Do you think you can win? Do you think you can win your seat? Obviously the underdog, and I'm definitely the underdog in Cheltenham.
46:34But all I would say is, in Cheltenham, I've been the underdog. I'm probably the answer to a pub quiz question. Paddy Power had me on to lose. There are other betting agencies available. In 2015, 2017, 2019. What was your majority last time? 981? It was 980 more than it needed to be, honestly. But what I want to say is that my constituents are some of the smartest people anywhere in the country and they will work it out for themselves. Lots of ex-GCHQers, some very, very smart people there. And they won't be told. It's not like, oh, well, the pulses say chalk's going to lose. They'll work it out for themselves.
47:06And just on the, we mentioned Johnson and Truss. I just wonder, and you're obviously very, very fond of Richie Zunak and think he's doing a better job probably than I would. But if you do lose, would you say that his predecessors are a greater cause of that than him? I think that Rishi had a very difficult inheritance. And I think it's fair to say that he has had to try to deliver in a short period of time. He's had to restore, I think, a lot of trust. I think there's no doubt that the immediate economic context was difficult. and I think it would have been astonishing to have had a complete turnaround.
47:48And I genuinely think he's done a good job and he's done the best he could in a very difficult circumstance. And I just say this, I sit around the cabinet table with him and sometimes I'm there one-on-one if we're doing something to do with prisons or whatever. And I have never seen anybody who understands the detail more than he does and who cares more and who tries harder to get to the right result. And to err is human, I'm sure he won't have got everything right and they're things that should have been done differently or not at all. But his heart is in the right place. He's got the brain the size of a planet.
48:15And, you know, that really resonates for me. Final one for me. Sure. Looking back on being a politician and trying to get out of elections. You or me. Looking back. You or me. Well, I mean, Rory, you can't do this to the guy. He's just in the middle of an election campaign. Give us a sense of what you've learned about politics that surprises you. and try not to make it too schmaltzy and positive. Give us something frank and weird and revealing about what this job is really like for the listener. Well, look, it's interesting you used the word reveal. I'm not the first person to use this expression, but someone else did and I picked it up.
48:51But politics reveals. There's something about the intense pressure of it that it shines this remorseless spotlight on your weaknesses as well as your strengths. And so you find out a huge amount about yourself. You find out what your breaking point is. You find out how you have to balance these competing issues. You know you want to get in my hospital. I wanted to get some more scanners in my hospital. I knew the following day I was going to have to meet the health secretary. I also knew there was a vote that night on something I didn't particularly agree with. So where does my loyalty lie? So it's this constant challenge of what is the ethical and the right thing to do and how do you balance these competing considerations?
49:27And I found that immensely difficult. but I hope if in many years from now Rory that I come to be looking back I still do think having traveled around the world that for all the failings all the shortcomings we have something quite special in our democracy and I think this event today is just a small part of it that freedom of speech and it's been a real pleasure to be able to join you well you're sounding like you're ending the podcast but I haven't asked my final question because I just wanted to ask you finally I alluded to this earlier, but I do find it very troubling that this guy that you've described, Richie Sunak, with the brain the size of the planet and values and all this, and yet he does seem to have bought into this strategy that the Conservative Party and the wretched Andrew Gilligan should go through every case that Keir Starmer's ever done as a lawyer and then try to make that part of a political campaign.
50:19That is wrong. I think all I can sensibly say is everyone has a right to a defence. I've defended, I've prosecuted more than I defended, but everyone's right to defend, and that's really important. I'm more interested in records actually in office, and that's what I will always focus on. So, I mean, I think he has done some things which are wrong, right? So we've got foreign national offenders, and he wanted to stop the plane of foreign national offenders taking off. So for my part, that is what I will always focus on. But if in the next TV debate, Rich, you were to sort of throw out a case that Keir Starmer defended, you would not be happy about that?
50:51Well, I've made my point. Well, thank you for being here. Thank you for being the first serving cabinet minister to come on during the campaign. That's right. Lord Chancellor, thank you very much for coming with us on the podcast today. And I hope you enjoy the rest of the campaign. Thank you, Alistair. Thank you, Rory. Thank you. Right, are you sure Rory? I quite liked him. Did you? I did, yeah. What I liked about him was here we are in the middle of an election campaign. There was no point in me going on about who do you think is going to win and all that stuff. absolutely pointless but i thought he had real passion and enthusiasm for the issues we could probably could have pushed him harder on what's actually happening inside the criminal justice system which i think we both think is a bit of a disaster but i was very very keen to hear his assessment and i i think he's clearly somebody who thinks about it pretty deeply probably does feel very very uncomfortable with some of the stuff that his government does but anyway you know him a lot better than i do yeah i mean so i'm i i obviously he's a friend that I like him very much.
51:49I think that there's something which if I was having a drink with him and it wasn't a middle of an election campaign, I probably would have pushed him more on, which is of course he feels that he's arrived at these positions as positions of principle, but he's also part of a government and a cabinet and a team. And I felt definitely as a politician that you can convince yourself that something's right more easily if it's the thing that your government is doing and I wonder what's he going to do if the government comes out the next week or so and says that it's going to withdraw from the European Court of Human Rights.
52:22He just gave this whole speech about how it had been created by Tories, created by the Brits, talked about all these things and yes he and my friend Victoria Prentice the Attorney General endorsed the Rwanda policy and you know I'm sure they did it in good faith and went forensically through all the information but But again, they're lawyers. They're used to, and this is being unfair, but they're used to preparing the best case they can. And I think sometimes, if I was pushing me over a drink, I'd say you prepare the best case you can, you begin to convince yourself of it, particularly if it's the case that your government is good at.
52:53No, he put a very partial view as to what the policy was. And he put a pretty partial view of Rishi Sunak's capacities as well. What I will say, though, is that he's been a very interesting, I think, good MP in Cheltenham. He did something which you'll remember during the election campaign. when there was a huge demonstration outside his constituency office, there was a lovely moment where he stepped out into the middle of the crowd, took the abuse, took the questions, really worked the crowd. Very brave. I'm glad he talks about the customs union thing. Very, very brave. So this was in 2019. Things were very raw.
53:27Endorsing the customs union was unbelievably unpopular with the Conservative Party. And he worked with me to whip the vote, to vote with Labour. We got 32 Conservative MPs to vote with Labour. We put it together as an amendment in Ken Clarke's name because we thought that would sound more impressive. But basically it was me and Alex running around and I've always been a bit embarrassed to raise it because I thought it would blight Alex's career as he continues to set up the Conservative Party. But that was a bold thing to do. And there were lots of other people who, when push came to shove, let us down, went home, fell asleep in the library, changed their votes, and he stuck to it.
54:04Yeah. Yeah, that Cheltenham thing was, I'd forgotten about it, but what happened was we did, when the People's Vote campaign was kind of really in its ascendancy, I'm getting big crowds, we had a lot of money coming in. So we did this massive, big event in Cheltenham. And because he was the MP, I think he wanted to be there. And I was trying to persuade him to kind of, you know, do a big sort of thing, which he wouldn't do. And he was very, he was kind of, he was courageous in that he was being there. It was obvious what he was trying to say. But I sensed he was very, very nervous about the whole thing.
54:33Do you think it's a problem for the future Conservative Party, people like him and me who seem kind of obviously posh from these kind of privileged backgrounds who aren't able to talk about our hard luck stories and our working class roots and this kind of? I don't think so. I think I liked his story about his granddad. No, because I think you're not hiding anything. I think there's a problem if somebody feels if they feel they have to invent a backstory. No, I don't think that's a problem. I think there is a problem with the current makeup of the cabinet that it feels very, very wealthy and very, very detached from the real world.
55:11But no, I don't think he's got that problem. I think he came off as very, very sort of warm and personable. I mean, do you think he's the sort of politician who, if he does lose his seat, would feel that he kind of has to come back? Or do you think he'll just think he'll move on to something else? I don't know. But of course, he loves the law. And I guess one of the advantages for MPs who are lawyers is they can go back to the law. Whereas many, many other MPs, when they lose their seats, they really struggle to work out what to do. I guess he'll be able to go back to it. I was also pleased that we haven't really got into the rule of law in our legal system and our courts.
55:44and things. It's such an important part of our society. Boy, does it not feature in electoral campaigns, all that stuff that he's doing. It's the other thing also that I feel we never really look at the detail of what people do in ministerial jobs. We look at their voting record, we look at austerity, we look at the economy, but nobody tries to really assess the micro details. And I guess one of the strange things about it, which I always experienced in my life, is on the macro level, things are pretty catastrophic. The British economy has contracted since 2019. Our productivity is terrible but every one of the or not everyone but a lot of these ministers will feel they're working very hard they've made all these improvements they've brought this legislation in this money there i got 82 million from there i did all this and so it's always a weird disconnect between the minister's sense that they're doing all this stuff in the public sense that everything's on a general downward slip yeah well we shall see anyway thanks for that thank you bye-bye
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