In short
Whether Europe/UK can escape American tech dependency amid the AI “industrial and social revolution,” and what policies would help Europe build scalable tech champions.
Guests
Nick Clegg, former UK Deputy Prime Minister and former leader of the Liberal Democrats; later worked at Meta (described as a senior executive/“right-hand” to Mark Zuckerberg). Greg Jackson, founder and CEO of Octopus Energy; traveled with UK PM Keir Starmer to China.
Key claims
- Silicon Valley shifted from “human-centric” social media to algorithmic content and became more politically aligned (described as “MAGA politics”), driven by competition.
- Europe lacks “scale-up” capacity; it produces startups but they’re acquired or list in the US.
- AI infrastructure spending by US hyperscalers is far larger than Europe/UK budgets, so Europe must focus on post-LLM innovations, AI deployment, and a European “tech single market.”
- Pension funds and government investment are too risk-averse; public money is fragmented instead of aggregated.
- Dependency risk is real in enterprise software (example: Palantir “stickiness” in NHS/defense).
Notable examples
- China tech cost drops: solar panels “400x” cheaper; EV batteries “10x” cheaper.
- British AI/biotech examples: Ineffable (reinforcement learning), Isomorphic (medical treatments), plus Mistral (France).
- Palantir NHS contract controversy; Trump’s proposal for pre-release AI vetting.
Written by AI. May contain mistakes. Listen to the episode to check what was said.
Chapters
Tap a time to open that second in VODiscussion on Political Energy and Nostalgia
0:00 to 0:56
Explore the current state of political energy and nostalgia in governance.
“Where is the intellectual energy from the left and the centre-left?”
Discussion on Political Energy and Nostalgia
2:54 to 3:19
Explore the current state of political energy and nostalgia in governance.
“When you need to build up your team to handle the growing chaos at work, use Indeed Sponsored Jobs.”
Silicon Valley's Political Shift and AI Revolution
4:41 to 11:23
Nick Clegg reflects on Silicon Valley's political evolution and the impact of AI.
“Former deputy prime minister, former leader of the Dems.”
UK and Europe's Competitive Challenges in AI
11:23 to 14:00
Discussion on the competitive landscape of AI technology in the UK and Europe.
“And again, it's easy to kind of mock and titter because it can be so pompous and so lofty and so on.”
Europe's Tech Challenges and Opportunities
14:00 to 25:35
Explore Europe's struggle with tech dependency on the U.S. and potential solutions.
“We don't have a single, I mean, France has got Mistral.”
Intellectual Property and State Involvement
26:14 to 28:00
Discuss the role of the state in owning and supporting IP creation from universities.
“But there is a world, it seems to me, in which the state ought to be hanging on to just a share of some of these businesses as they are created.”
Examining Europe's Tech Dependency
28:00 to 42:00
Explore the implications of Europe's reliance on American technology and the paths to greater autonomy.
“We would have wanted it to do since the financial crisis, right?”
Transcript
Automatic transcript. May contain errors.0:00Where is the intellectual energy from the left and the centre-left? If you keep miscasting the past, you don't have the intellectual wherewithal to ask what you need to do next, which is why they're now governing in this haphazard way. They've replaced policy with sanctimony. And if you replace policy with sanctimony, you don't produce better policy. This is where we're stuck at the moment. And certainly, and I, you know, I led a centre-left party for eight years. And the whole of Silicon Valley, not just Mark Zuckerberg, but all that you saw that in the inauguration, have decided to, rather than shun politics, have decided to embrace at least MAGA politics for a whole bunch of reasons.
0:37The single biggest thing that drives their behaviour is competition with each other. And remember, the Brexit wars were basically a battle. It was a triumph of nostalgia over a claim of the future. The economy was growing again. We were looking more competitive as a nation. And then we voted to leave the European Union. We're delighted to say that this year the rest is money is powered by Octopus Energy. So we're joined by its founder and CEO, Greg Jackson. Hiya, Greg. You travelled with Prime Minister Keir Starmer on his latest trip to China. Why? There's a lot of people who quite rightly think we're naive if we don't understand the threats we face from China.
1:15But it's equally naive not to understand that Chinese technologies can now transform so many industries. And if we don't understand what they're doing and find ways to work with them, we're going to get left behind. Look, the reality is it used to be about China stealing our secrets. But now their own investment in technologies means that solar panels are 400 times cheaper than they were 40 years ago. Batteries for electric cars are 10 times cheaper than they were 12 years ago. So if we can find ways to work with this, we can bring costs down for British people, and that's got to be a good thing.
1:50Greg, thank you very much. Now on with today's episode. For adults with Crohn's disease or ulcerative colitis symptoms, every choice matters. Tremphaya offers self-injection or intravenous infusion from the start. Tremphaya is administered as injections under the skin or infusions through a vein every four weeks, followed by injections under the skin every four or eight weeks. If your doctor decides that you can self-inject Tremphaya, proper training is required. Tremphaya is a prescription medicine used to treat adults with moderately to severely active Crohn's disease and adults with moderately to severely active ulcerative colitis.
2:28Serious allergic reactions, increased risk of infections or lower ability to fight them, and liver problems may occur. Before treatment, get checked for infections and tuberculosis. Tell your doctor if you have an infection, flu-like symptoms, or need a vaccine. Explore what's possible. Ask your doctor about Tremphia today. Call 1-800-526-7736 to learn more or visit TremphiaRadio.com. When you need to build up your team to handle the growing chaos at work, use Indeed Sponsored Jobs. It gives your job post the boost it needs to be seen and helps reach people with the right skills, certifications, and more.
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3:34Hello and welcome to The Rest is Money with me, Robert Peston. Today, I'm delighted to be joined here at the South by Southwest Tech Conference in trendy East London. I'm joined by the former Deputy Prime Minister, Nick Clegg. also the former, I don't know whether he's the right-hand or left-hand person of Mark Zuckerberg at Meta. And we've had the most gripping conversation about why he left Meta. I think he was slightly more revealing about the circumstances and what he really thinks about Silicon Valley than I might have anticipated. But then the meat of what we talked about was this AI industrial and social revolution that we're living through and whether the UK and Europe can compete, whether it's too late and how important it is to create tech champions in the UK and Europe if we're going to get our living standards up.
4:40So an absolutely fascinating conversation. Here's my conversation with Nick Clegg. Former deputy prime minister, former leader of the Dems. I mean, people describe you, I don't know if it's quite right, as a sort of number two meta left as Trump was taking power. It's weird that as Zuckerberg moves into Trumpian mode, liberal Democrat Nick Clegg leaves the company. As you say, I can't believe the events were connected. Of course they were. I mean, so when I arrived in Silicon Valley, so Miriam and myself and our three boys, we moved physically, moved there in the autumn of 2018. It was a completely different time.
5:19It was, Silicon Valley was still quite sort of, quite sort of happy-clappy, bit hippy-dippy, you know, very much left leaning for sure, for better or for worse. But crucially, social media was a social thing. It was like about human beings. Can you fast forward to now and the whole of Silicon Valley, not just Mark Zuckerberg, but all that you saw that in the inauguration, have decided to, rather than shun politics, which is what they did for a long time, in my view, sensibly, they've decided to embrace at least MAGA politics for a whole bunch of reasons, some no doubt high-minded and some more self-interested.
5:56and crucially the product or certainly the product in the company I work for has changed utterly from being a sort of human-centric product to one which is now much much more about content often synthetic content being algorithmically recommended to you so there were absolutely no hard feelings or anything but it just was like just not it was just a very good time after seven years for me to move on I mean to put it mildly it was not exactly the kind of thing that appealed to me making the case for it was going to become difficult well I didn't even try actually i tried to make the alternative case which was which was that i think in the long run for these big monster companies and as much as you care about their longevity um uh i think they for their own business interests i'm not talking about my old life as a politics because i wasn't i wasn't employed as a politician no but i actually just think as a matter as a sort of business person i don't think it's sensible business to flip-flop every time the political weather changes in Washington, in the US that is.
6:54Now, it's particularly difficult for social media companies because in the US, which is quite different to here in the UK, people are totally split. I mean, about one half of the country thinks that companies like Meta actively censor and suppress their view of the world. And another half who yell at them and say, you're not censoring enough to keep us safe. There's a much more polarized debate there. And I think if you're sort of holding the ring in that kind of context, dealing with something as sensitive about speech and where speech moderation ends and free expression begins and so on, it's more sensible to try and, you know, refrain from jumping into one political camp or another.
7:36I think you might be interested in this, and I'm not sure if you pick this up in your conversations in the US. Silicon Valley is always susceptible to ludicrous hyperbole, often, by the way, hyperbole, which they then go and act upon, which for better or for worse, but they're not politicians. And oddly enough, I was often in these conversations where I was the only person who'd ever been elected to anything. And what was so interesting at the time of the Trump 2 victory was the absolute self-confident assertion from the most senior tech bros across Silicon Valley, which was, this was not an ordinary election.
8:10This was a paradigm shift. There was a turning of the page in the Republic. Everything was different after than compared to before. And they need to adjust accordingly. And then I would say in a rather sort of world weary way, are you really sure my experience is that the pendulum in politics, it might get more fragmented, it might, but it tends to keep swinging. And I thought, well, this is just not something I can help with if they think that like the pendulum of politics has been arrested. When it comes to essentially how people are going to feel and think that they can't think further than the next day, it is odd.
8:43But it's by the way, well, it is. Actually, it's not that odd when you think about it. A lot of them are engineers. They build systems. They're innovators. They're incredibly competitive business people, competitive with each other. The thing that was often forgotten outside the US and California is the single biggest thing that drives their behavior is competition with each other. It's by the way, it's human nature everywhere. I bet you'll compare yourself to your peers in the media. You're right. I've always been so intrigued by these entrepreneurial characters who for whom the money also their wealth is the score.
9:22I mean, some of the reasons they become so monstrously wealthy is because obviously they accumulate wealth well beyond what any of them could actually use. Right. But they want to have more than the competitor. um actually funny enough my experience i don't i mean i guess if i say anything sort of um forgiving about this much vilified industry i'm sure people will yell at me but i i actually not sure if it's just money in the bank am i going to be remembered in a thousand years time as the person who helped inhabit mars i mean literally i think they do not do not underestimate the kind of almost loft it's by the way why they all have this sort of undergraduate fascination with ancient Rome.
10:00They want to live in a world where great men, and it's always men, do great things while the rest of us Lilliputian individuals, you know, scurry around in the sort of lower divisions, and for which then, you know, statues are erected, which will last for hundreds of years. That sort of almost legacy perspective drives their behavior much, and we can mock it or whatever, but that drives the behavior much, much more than have I got an extra few billion compared to my The power that comes with that kind of wealth is distorting democracy. There's no question about it. Let's remember, I personally think one of our problems in this country is we've forgotten ambition.
10:39We're so jaded, we're so cynical, we're so fearful of anything new. Not everything is rubbish, but I was just making this contrast. And one of the things I found very striking when I moved just individually, personally from Westminster, which is a place, as you know, just enveloped in, suffocated in, sort of smothered by the past. And remember, the Brexit wars were basically a battle. It was a triumph of nostalgia over a claim of the future. When I then moved to California, which all, of course, looks as if it was built last Tuesday, the thing I found so refreshing was that everyone I was talking to were, instead of arguing about conflicting claims on the past, which is what Westminster and the Brexit debate was about, were all competing with each other about rival claims to the future.
11:26And again, it's easy to kind of mock and titter because it can be so pompous and so lofty and so on. But there was actually something very energising about being a place that just constantly worries about what comes next, not arguing about where we've come from. And I do think, look, we're a more ancient democracy and we're a country which obviously has gone through a huge number of changes over the last hundred years and so on and so forth. But I do think that fresh kind of start again ambition and zeal does generate extraordinary innovation. I agree with that. And one of the things that I spent a lot of time actually agonizing about is, you know, how we create the ecosystem so that we can again have world leading companies.
12:19Now, you know, you and I, similar-ish kind of generation, you will remember that in the late 90s, early 2000s, the UK had a significant number of the world's biggest companies. And now we more or less have zero, right? I mean, AstraZeneca is periodically in the top 50, depending on what's happening to its share price. You know, BP, if oil price is high, you know, for a period looks as though it's a big company. But, you know, we've lost world leadership when it comes to so many industries. You know, I think you and I agree about this. The most important industrial, economic, social revolution of our lives.
12:59I passionately believe that artificial intelligence is changing everything. I mean, one of the things you've been thinking about, talking about, in fact, today is can Europe compete? And indeed, can the UK compete? Where, in your view, are we? And what more do we need to do? If you think competing matters, which I do, what do we need to do? I think, by the way, there's a lot of breathlessness about AI. It's super important, very important technology, but it's not perfect. Current paradigm, which is the sort of what's called, without getting too technical, that's transformer-based probabilistic technology where you tokenize huge amounts of data, and then you probabilistically through a mathematical formula project what the next token response is to a human prompt.
13:48That is the paradigm we're in at the moment. If you, again, we can claim whether we think of the right analogy or not, but if you assert that that's the equivalent to a new industrial revolution, Britain basically doesn't have a single steam engine of its own. We don't have a single, I mean, France has got Mistral. That's basically about it in Europe. And we're not going to. Here's the key point. The American hyperscalers are now spending every five to six weeks on their own AI data infrastructure, what we as a nation spend on defense in a year. So we're not going to. So the question then becomes, what do you do instead?
14:22I think we've got some fantastic strengths, our universities, our language, our culture of innovation. I'm now involved in venture investment. We've got actually a very lively venture scene. You've got a very lively tech startup scene. What we're very bad at, very bad at, is scaling stuff up. So you're right that, you know, one of the things that we routinely do in the UK is we come up with brilliant ideas and they turn into businesses. And then at just the moment where they might achieve world scale, they sell out, you know, notoriously DeepMind to Alphabet, Arm to SoftBank, and then listed on the US Stock Exchange.
15:11We've got right now some amazing young businesses. I mean, there's this business, Ineffable, which is doing what's known as reinforced learning and is actually trying to make massive knowledge breakthroughs not using large language models. It seems to be a very intriguing business, and it's been valued already at multi-billions. It's been in existence for literally a few weeks. It's a David Silver business. We've got Demis Sibis' new business, Isomorphic, which is cutting-edge development of new medical treatments. Again, multi-billion valuation in only a few months. These are British-based businesses.
15:58Only a fraction of their finance, however, is coming directly from UK institutions, which worries me. Yes, I think there are three things we broadly need to do. One, if we're not going to build these transformer models from scratch, double down on all what I call the post-LLM innovations likely to happen. The second thing I do is, and actually Tony Blair touched on this in his essay last week, whenever it was, focus on deployment and adoption of AI. This is a game of scale. The physics of AI is very, very expensive. It's expensive in energy, water, capital, compute capacity, infrastructure. You need scale.
16:40And we are just too small on our own. It's as simple as that. If you want to compete with China and America over the next decade, we have to find a way without reopening the Brexit debates of 2016 to create a tech single market. But you're absolutely right about that, of course. But there are two, you know, you've got to break that down, right? So, of course, the fundamental reason why America leads the world in large language models AI is because it has the most important single market in the world. And that's been, you know, why did America lead in investment banks? Because it's got an enormous domestic market.
17:25You know, why does it lead in so many other industries? But the paradox about Europe is, you know, obviously there's been an enormous cost to the EU leaving the European Union economically, a big cost. But Europe itself has been nowhere. You know, yes, you're right. Mistral in France may be a second tier player over the over the medium term. Right. But you only have to go back to the Draghi report about why Europe is not competing to realise that we're, you know, that Europe itself has to change and reform if it's going to be a player in these new industries. Hugely. And of course, it's just immense.
18:13I mean, I find it teeth gnashingly frustrating to see this pretty, I mean, it's not perfect, a pretty good plausible blueprint from Mario Draghi and Enrico Letta. And basically, it's just sort of gathering dust. It will, by the way, movement will come. At what point will European leaders, including our own, have a panic attack about this and actually change? Well, that, I think, is actually the several trillion dollar question. My increasing fear is it might only happen after a major fiscal crisis, because at the moment, I don't understand why the body politic, whether it's here or in Paris or Berlin, does not respond much, much more radically.
18:53And again, I do think that sort of seems to me to be the background frustration that Tony Blair was channeling. You know, this is existential to us. Most people know what they need to do. We need to become the sum of our parts again in this part of the world. And when I say it's not just the EU, it's Norway, Ukraine, maybe even parts of the Middle East. You need to create a sort of Eurovision approach to Europe, maybe without Australia. We are big enough. We have enough talent. My experience, I don't know what you find, is that an increasing number of politicians across the spectrum, oddly enough, I think the left and the centre left is the most sort of out of step with this need.
19:31They don't really sort of. But I think a lot of people now understand that to develop that scale, to develop those deep liquid capital markets, to get we've got in this country, we've got pension funds, amazing pension funds that don't invest either in Britain or crucially, they don't invest despite signing up to something called the Mansion House Accord. They don't actually do what they've said they would do and invest. I think it was quite a small amount, 5 % of their capital into a more risky asset, private equity VC and so on. So if we have our if our own pension funds are not prepared to put their money into really high growth sectors.
20:06So it is a national scandal. And you're right. And you're right. The way that the government is approaching this, in my view, is the wrong approach. what you have to do is create a regulatory framework in which these pensions feel empowered to take more risk. At the moment, the regulatory framework, you know, broadly discourages all that. I bumped into Jeremy Hunt the other day, I think, who quite rightly is very proud of having, I think, brought the pension fund industry together for the so-called Mansion House Accord, where they signed up to making this commitment. Minimal commitments. Well, I've done nothing, basically, or next to nothing, maybe if you have.
20:41And funnily enough, we both reflected, though we were both, I suppose, small little liberals of different hues and persuasions. So not generally the first kind of people to call for market intervention. I said, I've come around to the view that if it requires some more heavy handed intervention to get the pension funds to actually help great British businesses to scale up to your point. It's this lack of so-called scale up capital. There's another area which I'm not sure that you find this, but if you go to France, what they did, I think it was under François Hollande, interestingly enough, they basically swept together all their different pots of public money.
21:16It's a very sort of French dirigiste, centralized approach. But on this instance, they're often wrong. They might be right. And they put it under the aegis of something called the BPI, the bonk something, something, something. And it's basically a very big, large scale French investment entity into different asset classes. We, instead, have invented lots of different pots of money. So you've got a few hundred million for, what is it, sovereign AI. You've got a wealth fund. You've got a British business. And everyone's ticking their boxes in different ways. Everybody, of course, protects their patch.
21:47If scale is the issue, what you shouldn't be doing with public money is chopping it up into lots of bits. So I'm really worried about, you know, the government's approach to investing in these younger businesses. I mean, we had actually, I thought, a very impressive young minister on the podcast, Kanishka Narayan, who is the sort of tech science minister. Dr. Kyle, I have no doubt, is really committed. He wants to be, you know, the Secretary of State who creates the conditions in which we do get in the UK a trillion pound or trillion dollar business. We're a million miles running a trillion dollar business at the moment, but he really wants to create that.
22:29So he said they talk the talk, right? But then look at sovereign AI, right? So he has put money into two businesses, ineffable and isomorphic. Look, it may be that the taxpayer ends up making a fortune out of these investments, right? Isomorphic and inevitable. And if it does, great, right? But that is not, you know, the whole thing that government should be doing. What they should be doing is making a judgment about, you know, business that may be fresh out of a university. Is it going to get the finance at the right price to take it to the next stage? I'd like to see government taking real risk.
23:12And we just don't, you know, the problem is the treasury is always risk averse. Yeah, it's very odd. We do almost, exactly. So you, instead of aggregating the money at scale, we chop it up. We apply very risk averse criteria to it when we should actually be using it to leverage greater risk, which otherwise might not be supported. And I agree with you, just duplicating what are oversubscribed rounds, of course. I mean, listen, by the way, I get the political instinct. And you want to be, you want to be a, so, and you want to be able to sit around the cap table and sit around. But can I just say, you mentioned something earlier, which is something which I'm still wrestling with.
23:46You mentioned DeepMind and Arm. So these are two amazing British companies. Demis' company and the company out of Cambridge, of course, basically helped invent the smartphone revolution. And you said, well, but on the other hand, maybe that's, you know, like Arm is still domiciled here. Its IP is still here. Sure, its market is elsewhere, where it receives capital is elsewhere, but that's because America's a lot bigger than us and it's always going to be. Demis Hassabis, much to his credit, is still here. He sold to Google because he couldn't find anyone to give him the compute capacity. And the reason I say that is not to rehearse all the arguments around that, but we shouldn't only conceive of sovereignty as either you stay only in the UK or you're no longer sovereign.
24:31If you want world-beating companies, we're going to have to accept that we're going to be sharing them with the world. Nick, there's so much we need to talk about, but we're just going to go to a quick break.
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25:49Canva is a simple online tool thing. It's a way to design with our magic AI tool things. You can social media your thing, generate images or videos of your thing, make decks or presentations to show your thing. Whatever needs to be done for your thing, Canva can make it an even better and bigger thing. Canva, the thing that makes anything a thing. Just had a conversation with Marianna Mazzucato, who I'm sure you'll have come across, an influential economist. She thinks the other thing that we ought to be doing more is recognizing when we create within our universities, publicly funded, or within our research institutions, many of them publicly funded, incredible IP with commercial, huge commercial potential, and making sure that some of that value just automatically is owned by all of us, and it would have to be via the state.
26:54So one of the things that is quite, I don't know how much of, essentially the isomorphic or the ineffable IP flows from university research, probably not that much given the more recent track record of silver and hasabis. But there is a world, it seems to me, in which the state ought to be hanging on to just a share of some of these businesses as they are created. Well, I think to be fair, though, that's maybe why they put some money into exactly what you, I mean, that would be the argument in favor. Look, I'm totally open to that. Probably, maybe because I spent 20 years in politics, I'm a little less enamored than Professor Matsukato is about the capacity of the state sometimes.
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27:41One of my sons is just about to start a PhD in quantum physics at Imperial. And if you look at Imperial, they're really getting so much better now compared to 15 years ago or something. and so I look I've got a lot of sympathy with that but the how you do that and who pulls the levers and makes the decisions is quite an important one actually competence does matter but but I look as a general directional thing totally totally agree there's another argument which I'm sort of interested in I'm interested in it I suppose from a slightly different perspective from how it was put forward by you know the Nobel Prize winning economist Krugman I don't know if who saw his, he stirred up a bit of controversy by not, in a sense, refuting, you know, the Draghi case, that, you know, one of the reasons our productivity, certainly in the UK and for most of the EU, not quite all of the EU, but most of the EU, has simply not grown in the way that it should have done.
28:41We would have wanted it to do since the financial crisis, right? So, I mean, you know, productivity flatlining since then, living standards flatlining since then. But he made this very interesting point that actually living standards between Europe and the US are not as different as people often allege. And part of the reason for that is, of course, the success of businesses like Meta and Alphabet and what they have done in essentially supplying services at cheaper and cheaper prices to European consumers is they have, in effect, increased the living standards of European consumers without all the sort of, you know, the research and the creation.
29:32of these world-leading companies. So in a sense, you know, I mean, it's sort of part of the vassal state problem that, you know, this is not the way he put it, but it's the way I'm now thinking about it. If you're a European citizen, you think, well, you know, I'm doing all right. Why do I have to worry about, you know, essentially, you know, changing the whole way we tax and regulate? Because, you know, it's perfectly all right buying American services. You and I are both old enough to remember having to go down to telephone boxes with bags of 5p, 20p, 10p pieces to ring our boyfriends, girlfriends or whatever.
30:10Now you can speak to someone in a clear video signal on WhatsApp anywhere in the world for free. It's an extraordinary, extraordinary change, which often I think is undervalued. One of the reasons I was so interested in working in Silicon Valley, because I think they brought fantastic innovation, which has enabled and empowered people to speak for themselves, to express themselves, to communicate with each other in a way which is almost without precedent. That's not really the essay question. Do those technologies bring great benefits? Of course they do. The question is a slightly different one.
30:41They're not mutually exclusive. But is the level of our dependency on American technology at every single level of the stack, from physical infrastructure to handsets to cloud computing to the apps. Is that compatible with the kind of interests of our nation and our continent at a time when clearly the transatlantic relationship is changing out of all recognition? So much of the, and this is more your world than mine, so much of the debate, in my view, is infantilized by this sort of silly media headline thing of just wanting to vilify all technology rather than actually think about it and just scare the living daylights out of everybody.
31:20It sort of paralyzes everybody. So the politicians that run around in ever-diminishing circles, beating their chest and saying, I'm going to do this, I'm going to do that and the other, and not actually doing, which I think is, I really hope someone's doing this in Whitehall. What you need to do, in the case of the UK government, is you need to sit down and take, put a cold towel over your head and think very carefully. And if I was still in government, I would have said to some of the best people in the cabin office, I want you to come back to me over a month or two with a full analysis of all the different levels of the tech stack, from applications at the top right through to, you know, base foundational infrastructure at the bottom, cross-analyse that with the functions of the state and society that you care about, from our hospitals to our intelligence services, from our kids to whatever, and then decide over the next 10 years where we feel the dependency on other technology, whether it's Chinese or American or others, needs to change and what we can do to build towards that.
32:12You don't need to do that with everything. I don't think we need to build our own mobile phones. I don't think we need to build our own social media apps. I definitely think you need to look at cloud computing. I definitely think clearly there are aspects of defense and intelligence where we need to have sort of air-gapped sovereignty. I am a great optimist about the UK. And the reason for that is we have had plenty of opportunity over the last 20 years to destroy our knowledge base in our universities. And they are thriving, right? It's partly because the sort of bien pensant debate, the sort of broadsheet reading centre-left debate, which still dominates the sort of media and political elite, is all, it's the sort of Burnham stuff.
32:48All the, you know, the last 40 years has all been dreadful or in the case of Labour, everything was dreadful since we left government in 2010. It's such an infantile way of talking about tricky things about, I mean, boy, do I know it. in the second half of the coalition was the last time, 12, 13, 14, 15, this country sustainably, quarter after quarter, grew faster than anywhere else in the developed world. In 2014, we grew faster than the US, would you believe it, every quarter. As you can probably tell, you're triggering PTSD in me because it is the case that in 2014 into 2015, the economy was growing again.
33:27And we were looking more competitive as a nation. And then we voted to leave the European Union. But my point is an important one, which is that if you keep miscasting the past, and I think the left is doing that at the moment, and vilifying everything on beastly fiscal decisions, you don't have the intellectual wherewithal to ask what you need to do next, which is why they're now governing in this haphazard way. Because they've replaced policy with sanctimony. sanctimony and if you replace policy with sanctimony you don't produce better policy and and and i this is where we're stuck at the moment and certainly and i you know i led a center-left party for eight years i just think we're stuck on the center-left at the moment it's why all the intellectual energy and i really lament this is at the moment coming from the from the right or even the far right where is the intellectual energy from the the the left and the center-left but they're so stuck in constantly in sort of old testament terms describing what happened in the last 16 years or 40 years take your pick instead of actually liberating themselves from that and saying what worked, what didn't work, not being sort of morally sanctimonious about it.
34:34And what do we do next? So there's one aspect of this which we haven't talked about. It's very much in the news, you know, as we speak, which is this whole related issue of government procurement. You know, one of the things that actually, one of the things that's quite interesting about the period that you were in government is actually the share of procurement by government that went to British companies actually rose quite significantly. And it was a sort of deliberate strategy. It's fallen quite significantly in recent years. Again, if you look at America, the idea that they would buy from non-American businesses is absurd.
35:24So we obviously need to encourage more British businesses, particularly in the areas we're talking about, AI and tech and all the rest of it. There is this massive controversy at the moment about Palantir, the American company. The Science and Technology Committee of MPs have said that the NHS should end its contract with Palantir early because it argues that essentially the NHS will be too locked into Palantir to the detriment of potential British competitors. What do you think of arguments like that? Well, I think that argument, oddly enough, is a more compelling argument than I just don't like Peter Thiel or Alex Carpenter.
36:03And by the way, they do say things which I violently disagree with. But you can't just say, I don't like that company. He's got a finger in the air because I don't like the CEO where he said some daft thing on a podcast. I actually think the point you just made is the key one, which is if you, I mean, I think Palantir call their core software application foundry. And it's this clearly very effective software, enterprise software architecture, which allows, whether it's the NHS or a company, to meld the balkanized old data that they've got and make it usable and so on. And they've got a 20-year head start, to be fair to Thiel and Karp and these people.
36:42They understood 20 years ago that software as a service was going to be a big thing, and we were asleep at the wheel. But the point is, I do think that's a legitimate question, because these people don't come neutrally. They come with their architecture and their system. Now then, much cleverer people than me can adjudicate whether it's better than everybody else's. But it's just self-evidently true that once you become dependent on that architecture, that's the nature of software systems. it becomes sticky, as they call it in Silicon Valley. It becomes a very sticky experience. And that would worry me, particularly because I find it defies belief or sort of defies credibility in my view that particularly with AI innovations, companies like Palantir cannot be very much more quickly disrupted and challenged by AI powered software as a service or enterprise software rivals.
37:33Let's say you decided you wanted to go with an Anthropic product. Anthropic is doing extremely well at the moment because it's stolen a march against OpenAI in the enterprise software space. They understood enterprise was where the market was. I honestly don't know. This is beyond my technical knowledge. But let's say you want to swap from Palantir to an Anthropic product, nevermind one that's based in Bristol or Manchester. I think it's a legitimate question to ask whether Palantir is likely making it so sticky. And the odd thing about Palantir as a company is that they keep saying whenever there's any controversy in British politics, oh, you shouldn't put ideology before productivity.
38:13And yet if you listen to their leaders, all they do all the time is put ideology before their products. Like, make your mind up. And again, just to sort of use the US analogy, right? I mean, you know, Palantir are absolutely immersed in our defense, you know, in the Ministry of Defense. But again, you know, the Department of Defense, or let's now call it the Department of War in America. The idea that they would be buying the British equivalent, we just shouldn't, I mean, you know, it was something wrong. Someone told me the other day, seemed to be very, very well placed in the US. They said the Pentagon is now quietly saying to US pension funds, go slow on investing in European weapons and arms manufacturers because they may turn against us one day.
38:58You know, we should be encouraging the British equivalents of Palantir, Bidding for those defense and health contracts. But are we going to grow the British equivalent of Palantir, back to an earlier conversation, if you have a market scale, and crucially, which we can fix, more risk capital at scale, whether it's through VC or whatever. There's one other thing. We're almost out of time. There's one other thing I want to, because I want to take us back to the beginning. Trump has just announced that he wants to have all new, you know, AI, essentially, services vetted for a few weeks before they're released.
39:37Do you think that is, because there are two theories of this. One is it is taking the safety issue seriously, or it's just another Trump thing of saying, I want it first and I want to own it effectively. I think it's a mixture of both. And it's one of the most predictable things. When I left Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley was, if you listen to the Marc Andreessen's and David Sachs and the Chema, they could, the one thing, which was utterly for Bolton, in their sort of libertarian world of take the brakes off, don't constrain us, we hate all regulation, was what they call pre-release fetting. This was like the most vilified idea was that petty, fogging bureaucrats and politicians would have a look at these models before they released.
40:16And guess what we've got now within, what is it, a year and a half or so, is that it's exactly – and it was totally inevitable. It was totally unsurprising. I remember saying to people in Silicon Valley when Trump made this great flourish on his first day, I think, or first week as president, of scrapping Biden's executive order. And I was in the White House with Biden and other tech leaders. I was the only leader from Meta there when he signed the executive order. They're basically now bit by bit reassembling a version of the Biden executive. Because why? Because the more powerful and versatile these technologies become, not just a question of whether they're dangerous or not, they want to know, which is the driving, animating force behind all of the behavior in the White House in Silicon Valley is how can they keep a persistent edge over their Chinese competitors?
41:03Because I tell you what, one thing we should be under no illusions about, they're losing that edge to the Chinese hand over fist. The Chinese are now leading on open sourcing AI technology around the world. So AI models around, you go to Latin America, Africa, Asia, we don't see that here, but everyone's using open source, off the shelf, free Chinese models. You look at talent creation, the Chinese universities in towns you've never heard of the size of a medium-sized European country are churning out AI data scientists on a scale no one else is. Most of the people doing a lot of the deep research in Silicon Valley are actually of Chinese origin.
41:36That's right. They've got a much more coherent approach to energy, which is one of the most important ingredients in all this. So that's what's driving this. But you're absolutely right. It's just another classic example where all that sort of hyperbole that I witnessed when I just left Silicon Valley, I in a rather sort of grumpy, jaded sort of old man sort sort of in the corner way, said, yeah, yeah, yeah, we'll see. And it's all those chickens are coming home to roost. Yeah, well, there we go. I think at the moment where we recognize ourselves as two, you know, grumpy old men. No, no, no, no, no, no.
42:07Putting the world to rights. I don't, you know. I remain young at heart and I know you do as well. We do, we do. Nick, thank you so much for joining us. That was an absolutely fascinating conversation. And that's it for this episode of The Rest is Money. Goodbye.
42:25Ryan Reynolds here from Mint Mobile. I don't know if you knew this, but anyone can get the same premium wireless for$15 a month plan that I've been enjoying. It's not just for celebrities. So do like I did and have one of your assistant's assistants switch you to Mint Mobile today. I'm told it's super easy to do at mintmobile.com slash switch. Upfront payment of$45 for three-month plan, equivalent to$15 per month required. Intro rate first three months only, then full price plan options available. Taxes and fees extra. Default terms at MintMobile.com.
From the publisher
Why did Nick Clegg quit Meta, and what does he really think about Silicon Valley? Why are tech bosses so greedy? And how can Europe catch up in the AI race?
Robert sits down with Nick Clegg (former UK Deputy Prime Minister and Meta's ex-President of Global Affairs) to discuss how the UK can once again become a tech and economic powerhouse.
The Rest is Money is brought to you by Octopus Energy, Britain’s smart energy pioneer.
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